ILCE's BLOG

The report, prepared by rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt, Sven Simon, Gabriele Bischoff, Daniel Freund, and Helmut Scholz, aims to reshape the European Union (EU) by enhancing its capacity to act and improving its democratic legitimacy and accountability. Key proposals include:

1. European Constitution: The report advocates for a new European Constitution that consolidates existing treaties and clarifies the EU’s fundamental principles.
2. Citizens’ Participation: To enhance democratic representation, the report suggests introducing elections of the President of the European Commission by popular vote and creating a European Electoral Authority.
3. European Senate: The establishment of a European Senate, representing member states, would strengthen the EU’s legislative process.
4. European Public Prosecutor’s Office: The report proposes expanding the powers of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office to combat cross-border crime effectively.
5. European Armed Forces: It recommends creating a European Armed Forces to enhance security and defense cooperation.
6. Social Rights: The report emphasizes social rights, including a European minimum wage and improved labor standards.
7. Climate Action: The EU should lead in climate action, with binding targets and a European Climate Pact.
8. Digital Sovereignty: The report calls for digital sovereignty, protecting citizens’ data and promoting European tech innovation.
9. EU Budget: The report suggests a more flexible EU budget, allowing for strategic investments.
10. EU Enlargement: The report addresses the accession process for new member states.

https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E

https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2023-0337_EN.html

Germany has conditioned its support for harmonizing the debt calendars in the eurozone around Italian, French, and German benchmarks, administered by a debt management office in the ECB, on reducing the debt pile in the Member States. Berlin has not publicly stated the purpose of tying its hands, although Lindner has signaled progress on shared goals in EU is contingent on the EU getting its act together. We now have a Franco-German agreement that the foundation of the EU must become more solid for the EU to enlarge, and that the harmonization of debt calendars flanked  by an EU-tax serving a variety of public policy purposes form part of that. It is uncontroversial, this common understanding clinched the deal between Paris and Berlin to move forward on EU Treaty reforms in two steps: the IGC25 via the simple 20method13, and in 2030, more likely than not based on a convention.

Subsequently, a few craven commissioners demanded more money for the executive in the making without considering how to accommodate German desires and addressing the need for a balanced solution at various levels. Lurking beneath all this is a  political conflict around to which degree Germany is entitled to cash in Europe continuously – Germany will both pay the most and benefit the most from a harmonization of det issuance calendars – or whether a more stable Treaty framework enshrining the desired political order in Europe should be identified, as the EU moves from wealth to power.

• Harmonisation of the debt issuance calendars in the eurozone means that the member states would coordinate their timing and frequency of issuing sovereign bonds, as well as the maturity and size of their debt instruments. This could potentially reduce the fragmentation and volatility of the euro area bond market, increase the liquidity and transparency of the debt securities, and lower the borrowing costs for the member states
• Germany has been a strong advocate of fiscal discipline and debt reduction in the eurozone, especially after the sovereign debt crisis that affected several countries in the periphery. Germany has also been one of the primary beneficiaries of the low interest rates and the haven status of its bonds, which have allowed it to finance its public spending at very favorable conditions
• Germany’s support for harmonizing the debt issuance calendars is conditional on the other member states, especially Italy and France, reducing their debt levels and complying with the fiscal rules of the EU. Germany argues that this is necessary to ensure the stability and credibility of the euro area and to avoid moral hazard and free-riding by the high-debt countries.
• The idea of linking the harmonization of the debt issuance calendars to the debt reduction of the member states is inspired by the 2007 article by Professor Cohen, who argued in RIPE that the enlargement of the EU and the eurozone would pose a challenge to the international role of the euro, as the new members would have different interests and priorities, and would dilute the coherence and effectiveness of the monetary union. Cohen suggested that the eurozone should adopt a common debt management strategy, based on a set of benchmarks and incentives, to enhance the attractiveness and competitiveness of the euro as a global currency.
• The feasibility of grafting this idea onto the German state strategy depends on several factors, such as the political will and consensus among the member states, the legal and institutional framework of the EU and the eurozone, the economic and financial situation of the member states, and the external shocks and pressures that may affect the euro area.

Some possible challenges and obstacles are:

• The lack of trust and solidarity among the member states, especially between the core and the periphery, may hinder the cooperation and coordination on debt issuance and management.
• The resistance and opposition from some member states, especially Italy and France, may perceive the German conditionality as an infringement on their fiscal sovereignty and a threat to their growth and welfare objectives.
• The legal and institutional constraints that may limit the scope and flexibility of the harmonization of the debt issuance calendars, such as the no-bailout clause, the prohibition of monetary financing, and the subsidiarity principle
• The economic and financial uncertainties and risks may affect some member states’ debt sustainability and market access, such as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the geopolitical tensions with Russia and China, and the potential spillovers from the US fiscal and monetary policies.
• The benchmarks that may be used for the strategy development within the domain in sectoral terms could include the following indicators:
  • The debt-to-GDP ratio measures the overall level of public debt relative to the size of the economy. The EU fiscal rules set a reference value of 60% for this indicator and require the member states to reduce their excess debt at an average rate of one-twentieth per year
  • The primary balance measures the difference between the government revenues and expenditures, excluding the interest payments on the debt. This indicator reflects the fiscal effort and adjustment of the government and affects the dynamics of the debt-to-GDP ratio
  • The average maturity measures the weighted average time until the repayment of the debt’s principal. This indicator reflects the rollover and refinancing risk of the debt and affects the sensitivity of the debt service to the interest rate changes
  • The average cost measures the weighted average interest rate paid on the outstanding debt. affecting the debt service’s affordability and sustainability.

• A possible policy framework for the temporary reduction of the debt pile in the eurozone member states until the harmonization of debt calendars takes effect at the considerable bang enlargement in 2030 could involve the following elements:

• A binding and credible commitment by the member states to reduce their debt-to-GDP ratios to below 60% by 2030 or to converge to a lower target if their initial debt levels are too high. This could be enforced by the EU fiscal rules and the European Commission and supported by the European Stability Mechanism and the Recovery and Resilience Facility.
• A gradual and differentiated adjustment of the member states’ primary balances, considering their cyclical and structural positions, their growth and inflation prospects, and their social and political constraints. This could be coordinated by the European Semester and the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure and guided by the Stability and Growth Pact and the Medium-Term Budgetary Objectives.
• A coordinated and diversified extension of the average debt maturities by the member states, taking advantage of the low-interest rate environment and the high demand for safe assets. This could be facilitated by the ECB’s monetary policy and asset purchase programs and by the development of a common safe asset, such as the European bonds issued by the Next Generation EU fund.
• A joint and competitive reduction of the average debt costs by the member states, taking advantage of harmonizing the debt issuance calendars and integrating the euro area bond market. This could be achieved by the improvement of the credit ratings and the market access of the member states and by the enhancement of the liquidity and transparency of the debt securities¹²

• The pros and cons of harnessing the policy framework for the stabilization of indebtedness of the European nation-state versus the financing of the European welfare state and how it might be used to strengthen the European economy and the EU are:
  • The pros are:
    • It would reduce the member states’ fiscal vulnerabilities and debt sustainability risks and increase their fiscal space and resilience to future shocks.
    • It would enhance the credibility and stability of the euro area and foster confidence and trust among the member states and the markets.
    • It would improve the efficiency and integration of the euro area bond market and boost the attractiveness and competitiveness of the euro as a global currency.
    • It would create positive spillovers and externalities for the European economy and the EU, such as lower borrowing costs, higher investment, more vigorous growth, and deeper cooperation.
  • The cons are:
    • It would entail significant fiscal costs and adjustment efforts for the member states and potentially affect their growth and welfare objectives¹¹¹²
    • It would require high coordination and solidarity among the member states and potentially infringe on their fiscal sovereignty and national preferences.
    • It would expose the member states to common shocks and contagion risks, potentially creating moral hazard and free-riding problems.
    • It would face legal and institutional challenges and constraints, potentially generating political and social resistance and backlash.
• The historical role of indebtedness in state-building is a complex and contested topic, but some possible points are:
  • Indebtedness has been a critical factor in the emergence and development of the modern state, as it enabled the state to mobilize resources and finance its activities, especially war and public goods provision.
  • Indebtedness has also been a source of conflict and crisis for the state, as it constrained the state’s fiscal capacity and legitimacy, exposing it to the pressures and demands of its domestic and foreign creditors.
  • Indebtedness has shaped the evolution and transformation of the state, as it influenced its institutional and constitutional arrangements, its relations with other states and actors, and its role and functions in society and the economy.

• How do the mountains of debts in the world economy matter?

Global debt is the combined borrowing by governments, businesses, and people. It has reached a record level of $307 trillion in 2023, according to the Institute of International Finance. This matters for two reasons: first, high debt levels imply more state interference in the economy and higher taxes in the future; second, debt must be rolled over at regular intervals, which creates a risk of default or crisis if creditors lose confidence or demand higher interest rates.

• Discuss the level of indebtedness in the US, the EU, and China and how it affects growth prospects.

The US, the EU, and China are the three largest economies in the world, and their debt levels vary significantly. The US has the highest debt in dollar terms, at $29.46 trillion, which is 123.28% of its GDP³. The EU has a debt of $15.8 trillion, which is 90.9% of its GDP. China has a debt of $10.12 trillion, which is 68.06% of its GDP. High debt levels can hamper growth by crowding out private investment, increasing borrowing costs, and reducing fiscal space for stimulus or social spending. However, some debt can also support growth by financing public goods, infrastructure, and innovation. The impact of debt on growth depends on factors such as the composition, maturity, and cost of debt and the credibility and effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policies.

• When does the mountain of debt and debt projections become unsustainable?

There is no clear-cut threshold for debt sustainability, as it depends on the ability and willingness of a country to service its debt obligations. However, some indicators that can signal debt distress include a rising debt-to-GDP ratio, a large and persistent fiscal deficit, a high share of foreign currency or short-term debt, a low level of international reserves, a weak banking system, and a loss off market access, and a deterioration of growth prospects.

• Are there historical precedents for systemic crashes?

There have been several episodes of systemic crashes in history, usually triggered by a combination of economic, financial, political, and social factors. Some examples are the Great Depression of the 1930s, the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s, the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s, the global financial crisis of 2007-2009, and the European sovereign debt crisis of 2010-2012. These crises had severe and lasting consequences for the affected countries and regions and spillover effects for the rest of the world.

• How does the IMF come into play?

The IMF is an international organization that promotes global economic stability and cooperation. It plays a crucial role in the global debt crisis by providing financial assistance, policy advice, and technical support to countries facing balance of payments or debt problems. The IMF also conducts regular surveillance and analysis of the global economy and the debt situation of its member countries. The IMF can help prevent or resolve debt crises by facilitating debt relief, restructuring, or refinancing and promoting sound macroeconomic and structural policies.

• Is there reason to be worried about the situation in the US, EU, and China?

There is reason to be concerned, but not to panic, about the debt situation in the US, EU, and China. These economies face different challenges and opportunities and have different policy tools and buffers to cope. The US has the advantage of issuing the world’s reserve currency, which gives it more fiscal and monetary flexibility, but it also faces political polarization, social inequality, and rising inflation. The EU benefits from a large and integrated market but suffers from institutional fragmentation, slow growth, and low inflation. China has the potential of a dynamic and innovative economy but also faces structural imbalances, environmental degradation, and geopolitical tensions. All three economies must address their debt vulnerabilities and pursue reforms to enhance their resilience and sustainability.

• What elements of a growth strategy and the policy architecture are necessary to make it work at the EU and member state levels?

According to the European Commission, the EU growth strategy for the next decade should be based on the following priorities:

• Achieving the green and digital transitions, which are essential for enhancing the EU’s competitiveness, sustainability, and resilience
• Strengthening the social and economic cohesion and convergence among the member states, regions, and citizens
• Increasing the EU’s strategic autonomy and openness in the global arena by promoting a level playing field, fair trade, and multilateral cooperation

To implement this strategy, the EU and the member states need to work together and coordinate their policies, investments, and reforms in line with the common objectives and values of the EU.

Elements:

• A coherent and consistent use of the EU recovery funds, which amount to 750 billion euros and are designed to support the green and digital transitions and the recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic
• A revision and simplification of the EU fiscal rules, which should ensure budgetary sustainability, flexibility, and transparency, as well as incentivize public investment and structural reforms
• A reinforcement of the EU economic governance, which should foster policy dialogue, peer review, and mutual learning among the member states, as well as enhance the role of the European Semester as a tool for monitoring and guiding the implementation of the EU growth strategy
• A development and integration of the EU capital markets, banking, and fiscal unions, which should improve the financing and diversification of the EU economy, as well as the stability and resilience of the euro area
• A deepening and completion of the EU single market, which should remove barriers and create opportunities for businesses and consumers, as well as foster innovation and digitalization
• A strengthening and modernization of the EU industrial and digital policies, which should support the competitiveness and transformation of the EU industry, as well as the development and deployment of critical technologies and infrastructures
• A promotion and protection of the EU social rights and values, which should ensure fair and inclusive growth, as well as the participation and empowerment of all citizens, especially the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups
• A design and implementation of the EU green deal, which should lead the EU to climate neutrality by 2050, as well as enhance the environmental quality and circularity of the EU economy
• How to move from a tightly-knit growth strategy to a European political economy and onward European capitalism with its objectives and values? What are PE’s and capitalism’s next steps and elements with its goals and values?

The Draghi report is a document that will be prepared by former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, who was asked by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to advise the bloc on boosting its competitiveness. The report is expected to be delivered later in 2024.

Evaluation: The Draghi report is a welcome initiative that can set the tone and parameters for the EU’s growth strategy for the next decade. It can also provide valuable input for revising and simplifying the EU fiscal rules by 2024. The report can benefit from Draghi’s experience and expertise as a former central banker, economist, and politician, as well as his reputation and credibility in the EU and beyond. However, the report also faces some challenges and limitations, such as:

• The complexity and diversity of the EU economy, which requires a nuanced and balanced analysis of the different sectors, regions, and stakeholders involved
• The uncertainty and volatility of the global environment, which poses risks and opportunities for the EU’s competitiveness but also makes it difficult to predict and plan for the future
• The political and institutional constraints, which may limit the scope and feasibility of the report’s recommendations, especially if they require treaty changes, legislative reforms, or budgetary adjustments
• The potential resistance or opposition from some member states, industries, or interest groups, who may have different views or preferences on the EU’s economic policies and priorities

• Improvements: The Draghi report can be improved by taking into account the following suggestions:
  • The report should be based on a comprehensive and evidence-based assessment of the EU’s strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats, using relevant data, indicators, and benchmarks
  • The report should be aligned with and supportive of the EU’s existing objectives and values, such as the green and digital transitions, the social and economic cohesion, and the strategic autonomy
  • The report should be realistic, pragmatic, ambitious, and visionary, proposing concrete and actionable measures to make a difference in the EU’s short-, medium–, and long-term competitiveness.
  • The report should be inclusive and participatory, involving a broad and diverse range of stakeholders, such as the EU institutions, the member states, the regions, the social partners, the civil society, and the academia.
  • The report should be transparent and communicative, using simple and accessible language and highlighting the main messages, findings, and recommendations.

The European political economy studies the interaction between politics and economics in the EU and how they affect the process and outcomes of European integration. It covers EU economic governance, the single market, industrial and digital policies, and strategic autonomy. A European capitalism with its objectives and values would imply a shared vision and a coherent framework for the EU’s economic and social development based on principles such as democracy, solidarity, sustainability, and competitiveness. Some of the elements that could contribute to this goal are:

• A fiscal union, which would entail a common budget, a common debt instrument, and a common fiscal authority for the euro area, as well as a harmonization of tax policies and coordination of budgetary stances across the EU
• A banking union, which would entail a single supervisory mechanism, a single resolution mechanism, and a standard deposit insurance scheme for the euro area banks, as well as a reduction of risks and completion of the banking integration across the EU
• A capital markets union, which would entail a harmonization of rules and standards, removal of barriers, and creation of opportunities for cross-border investments and financing across the EU, as well as diversification and deepening of the EU capital markets
• A social union, which would entail a reinforcement of the social dimension of the EU, an implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights, and the creation of a social protection floor for all EU citizens, as well as a promotion of social dialogue and participation across the EU
• A green deal, which would entail a comprehensive and ambitious plan to achieve the EU’s climate and environmental objectives, mobilization of public and private resources for green investments and innovation, and the creation of a just transition fund to support the most affected regions and sectors, as well as leadership and cooperation of the EU in the global climate action
• A digital agenda, which would entail the development and implementation of a common digital strategy, the creation of a digital single market, and support for the digital transformation of the EU economy and society, as well as protection and empowerment of the EU citizens’ digital rights and freedoms
• A trade and investment policy, which would entail a definition and promotion of the EU’s interests and values in the global arena, negotiation and enforcement of fair and balanced trade and investment agreements, and support for the multilateral trading system and the reform of the World Trade Organization, as well as diversification and resilience of the EU’s external supply chains and partnerships

The following steps to move from a growth strategy to a political economy and onwards to a European capitalism with its own objectives and values would require a strong political will and commitment from the EU institutions and the member states and a broad and inclusive consultation and dialogue with the EU citizens and stakeholders. It would also require a revision and adaptation of the EU treaties and legislation and mobilization and allocation of the EU resources and instru-ments to reflect and support the EU’s common vision and framework.

As you may discern, a difficult balancing act is ahead, however, difficult it is to comprehend in the peripheries of Europe and in the suburbs of the world. This does entail rewarding  the human who makes a difference and makes France and Germany cohere notwithstanding female transgressions, exploitation and slavery, and forms of abuse of power.

• Ilce dixit assisted by copilot

https://tidsskrift.dk/scandinavian_political_studies/article/download/32878/31205?inline=1

https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/106331/1/MPRA_paper_106331.pdf

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/pdf/other/ecb.advisoryreportdebtissuancedistributionEU202112~3da04b818a.en.pdf?870da74a004a2132cbe89914ef853ad4

https://www.intereconomics.eu/contents/year/2020/number/3/article/a-european-mechanism-for-the-issuance-and-initial-distribution-of-debt-securities.html

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/167/the-enlargement-of-the-union

https://www.routledge.com/How-Worlds-Collapse-What-History-Systems-and-Complexity-Can-Teach-Us/Centeno-Callahan-Larcey-Patterson/p/book/9781032363219

https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-17203-8_43

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2021/12/global-debt-record-226-trillion-public-private/

https://www.worldbank.org/en/events/2021/11/05/live-debt-transparency-in-developing-economies

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2022/12/03/Fiscal-Crises-The-Role-of-the-Public-Debt-Investor-Base-and-Domestic-Financial-Markets-as-526307

https://www.business-standard.com/world-news/imf-predicts-china-to-witness-economic-decline-over-next-4-years-report-124020301119_1.html

https://www.eurochambres.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/230918-SOTEU-2023-Article-1.pdf

https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/eu-head-asks-draghi-advise-bloc-boosting-competitiveness-2023-09-13/

I et digt skriver Paul Celan, den tysk-sprogede rumænsk-jødisk forfatter:

So leg das Laub Zusammen mit Den Seelen. Schwing leicht den Hammer und verhüll das Angesicht.

Krön mit den Schlägen, die dem Herzen fehlen.

Den Ritter, der mit Fernen Mühlen ficht.

Es sind nur Wolken, die er nicht ertrug.

Doch klirrt sein Herz von einem Engelschritte.

Ich kränze leise, was er nicht zersclug:

Die rote Schranke und die Schwarze Mitte.

Oversat til dansk betyder det:

Så sæt bladene sammen med sjælene.

Sving Hammeren let og dæk dit ansigt.

Kron med de slag, der rammer hjertet.

Ridderen, der kæmper med fjerne Møller.

De er bare skyer, som han ikke kan bære.

Men hans hjerte varsler med engleskridt.

Hvad han ikke ødelagde.

Den  røde barriere og den sorte Midte.

Paul Celan repræsenterer for mig det gamle og komplekse Europa. Han var født i Bukowina og voksede op i Cernauti nord for klostrene og ikke langt fra Slot Hotyn og Kaminski-Podolski. Her kan man endnu i dag høre Klezmer-musik, når Czernowitzer kommer på besøg til hjemegnen.

Celan er kendt for digte som Todesfuge og Sand fra Urnerne.

Celan skrev sine digte på tysk og anses i dag for en af de største tysk-sprogede digtere. Celans poesi er karakteriseret ved en kompliceret og kryptisk stil, der afviger fra poesis konventioner. Selv havde Celan som vist mange rumænere et sind, der bestod af polære modsætninger, som han skrev sig ud af og samlet sammen ved hjælp af sin digtning.

Jeg er født og opvokset i Danmark og føler mig som dansk-europæer. Jeg forstår udmærket både dansk lune og underfundighed.

Efter års ufrivillig og tvungen medicinering, som for størstedelens vedkommende blev mig pånøden grundet systemets forbudte retsfølelse i forlængelse af Danny Yatoms intervention i Paris og Rom som følge af drabet på fem israelere i  Burgos orkestreret af PET eller i det midste med viden om miljøet  i Odense hvori oppen blev tilrettelagt, en statsforbrydelse der modsvarer en inkohærent kombi-forbrydelse, der falder under Straffelovens § 81 , stk.1 og 5  , som Ombudsmanden respekterer. Det skal sammenholdes med Helle Thornings intervention og disciplinering af de fitløbende politiagenter i Cirkus Buddinge. Der var også en fransk-jødisk  frøken Smillas fornemmelser for hvad der er rigtigt for mennesket.

Jeg er nu tilbage. Jeg dyrker ikke så meget sport længere, men det bør jeg måske tage op påny. Jeg har i dag genfundet arbejds-glæden og fuld af kreatitvitet og effektivitet. Jeg er en do’er og en problemløser. Eller som Picasso udtalte: ”Lær reglerne som en Pro. Bryd dem som en kunstner”.

Mine interesser forbliver: at finde et job der svarer til mine kvalifikationer og at finde en kæreste.

Det er den gamle traver med at se splinten i sit medmenenskes øjne, men ikke bjælken i panden på sig selv, jeg hentyder til. Skam over den mand, der søger at vaske sine synder af på sin kvinde.

Med hensyn til min sving-om hos De Radikale så har den 90% at gøre med Karen Melchiors politik og person, og 10% med at Ellen Trane fandt en anden. Og min tilbagevenden til folden med Venstres politik, min frihedstrang, erfaringer og venskaber fra studenterpolitik, min kamp-gejst og pro-europæiske indstilling.

For så vidt angår den af mig forslået øvre grænse på EU-budgettet på 7%, så ved jeg ikke hvor ideen hertil kom, men det er rigtigt at Werner-rapporten i sin tid forudså behovet for budget-buffere, da man i halvfjerdserne diskuterede en monetær union i Europa. National-staten er i dag blevet for lille de store udfordringer, og for stor til de små opgaver. Jeg anser før som nu Cedermans tese som en spændende teori om forandring, hvor stats-dannelse kædes sammen med rovdyrs-frekvenser i det internationale system eller i Europas omgivelser i kontekst med alliancer og defensive teknologier. Den forekom mig dog upraktisk, manipulerende og ikke tilstrækkeligt handlings-orienteret, uanset dens humanistiske sigte og kognitions-orienteret tilgang.

I romanen Gullivers rejse, skrevet af Johnatan Swift, en engelsk kirug og sømand, følger vi hovedpersonens Lemuel Gulliver på sin rejse til Stillehavet ombord på skibet Antelope. Skibet forliser, og da Gulliver vågner på land, er han alene og fastspændt til jorden. Han er taget til fange af lilleputanerne! Lilleputanerne er så små, at der skal 1000 af deres stærkeste  mænd, til at få Gulliver løftet op på en særlig vogn, som skal transportere ham til hovedstaden. Da de slipper ham løs, er det udelukkened fordi, at han skal hjælpe lilleputanerne mod Kejseren af Blefusco, der vil tage magten i landet. Gulliver er en stor hjælp for lilleputterne, særligt da slottet brænder, og han tisser på  flammerne. Men mange lilleputter vil af med ham bla. fordi han spiser for meget.Gulliver flygter og rejser tilbage til England på  et fragtskib. Men han overmandes snart af udlængsel og ganske som på lilleputternes ø kommer Gulliver ud for de mest forunderlige ting på sin færd til Brodingnag, Laputa og Houhnms. Romanen er en satirisk kommentar til Swifts samtid og kritiserer blandt andet politik, religion og menneskelig natur. I romanen hedder det: ”Jeg blev også lært op i at skyde med bue og pil, og jeg blev så god til det, at jeg kunne ramme en due på 50 yards”. Romanen er filmati-seret, en flim jeg kan anbefale. Den rummer mange morsomme scener.

Selv har jeg nu svært ved at se komikken i situationen.

Sikkert og vist er det, at en pil finder sit mål. Spørgsmålet er, hvordan og hvorfor. Ja engang råbte demonstranterne under skyggen af Frauenkirche i Dredsen: Wir sind ein Volk. I dag siger vi i kor: Vi er europæere.

Jeg skal samtidigt benytte lejligheden til at rette en varm tak til mine jødiske frænder for tidligt at have set potentialet i mig, og for trofast at forsvare Vesten og Europa og heppe på EU’s fremgang og vækst. Magen til mod og, generøsitet og broderskab skal man lede længe efter. Der findes et lille folk, og en stor sag. For hvad der fremmer det enkelte menneskes sag går gerne i spænd med Europas værdier og verdens interesser: Toda raba Israel!

I øvrigt mener jeg, at Iran , dette uforbederlige krigerfolk  med en imperialistisk mission  iklædt islamistiske gevandter og støttet af kampagner og ugudelige trosfæller, skal bombes tilbage til stenalderen. På godt dansk Iran, denne spoiler par excellence, trænger til en røvfuld.

Endelig vil jeg gerne minde min humoristiske bedstemor, Trudel Martens her på falderebet. I hendes sommerhus i Løkkeby på Langeland havde hun et skilt på toiletdøren, hvor der stor: ”Mennesket har muligheder for mange glæder uden tal, den vigtigste er at kunne når man skal”.

Om Tyskland formår at frelse Europa, og Frankrig at indvie EU ved jeg ikke, men uden kærlighed og kildevand duer helten ikke.

Design er af de store koncepter indenfor Renæssancens  kunstteori. Det betyder på engang design og projekt, opridsning af kontur og intention. Ordet beskriver således en eminent intellektuel aktivitet og har en dobbeltbundethed i sin oprindelige betydning. I maleriet er design det, der modsætter sig farve, og sidenhen bliver design (disegno) tilknyttet formen, til konceptet og fremfor alt ideen med henblik på at udvikle en kunstteori. Dette resulterer i en transformation af ideen til et ideal, som har sit filosofiske ophav  i Platon, der associerer ideer med formen og figurer som en præekstisterende indre  model der går forud for dens realisering.

I 1677 udtaler Michel Auguier i det kongelige franske akademi sig om maleriet og skulpturen: Det store design er en ild, som belyser forståelsen, varmer viljen, styrker erindringen, renser ånderne, for at gennemtrænge forestillingsevnen”.

Indenfor management-skolen er det i moderne tid Henry Mintzberg, der har gjort mest ud af beskrive design-skolen med ophav i Selznik og Chandlers teroretiseren om at bringe organisationens distinkte kompetence i harmoni sammen med organisationens indre stadie og de eksterne forventninger i omgivelserne. De argumenterer for at indbygge policy ind i organisaitonens sociale struktur, dvs gennem implementering af strategeien. Chandler forbandt design-skolens begreb om forretnignsstrategi med dens forbindelse til strukturen. I sin bog Strategy Safari beskriver Mintzberg således design-skolens opfattelse af strategi-processen som en konceptions-proces med indre vurdering af styrker og svagheder og eksterne vurdering af trusler og muligheder, dinstinkte kompetencer og nøgle succesfaktorer. Hermed skabes strategien sammenholdt med omgivelsernes fornemmelse for socialt ansvarlighed og leder-værdier. Der vælges strategi og evalueres på strategier, hvorefter den skal implementeres. Design-skolen antager, at strategen er nærmest alviden og alemn respekteret som sådan af alle i organisationen.

Koldings motto er: sammen designer vi livet . Det hedder på hjmmesiden. ”Visionen er vores pejlemærke for fremtiden og skal sikre en klar og visionær retning for hele Kolding Kommune. : ”Med visionen har vi som kommune et særligt fokus på ”at lykkes sammen”! Sammen med borgere, sammen med virksomheder og sammen med lokale aktører, der bidrager til en bæredygtig udvikling af vores fælles lokalområde” (https://www.kolding.dk/om-kommunen/designvisionen/)

Design i hele Kolding Kommune

• er nærværende
• kan ses og mærkes
• gør en forskel”

Det er vedtaget, at der skal indføres en visions-dreven ledelsesform, og at by- og udviklingsforvaltningen skal lægges sammen med fællesforvaltningen, som om Designby Kolding har opslugt forvaltningen, før Merete Dissing har fået ytret: I want it all.

Whole-of-government skolen er en tilgang til offentlig forvaltning, der søger at fremme horisontal integration og samarbejde mellem forskellige sektorer, niveauer og aktører i den offentlige sektor. Hovedantagelserne bag denne skole er, at:

• Offentlige problemer er komplekse og kræver tværgående løsninger, der involverer flere politikområder og interessenter.
• Offentlige organisationer er fragmenterede og siloiserede, hvilket hindrer effektiv koordination og kommunikation
• Offentlige ledere skal have kompetencer og incitamenter til at arbejde på tværs af grænser og skabe fælles mål og visioner.

Nogle af styrkerne ved whole-of-government skolen er, at den kan:

• Forbedre kvaliteten og relevansen af offentlige ydelser og politikker ved at tilpasse dem til borgernes behov og forventninger.
• Øge den offentlige sektors kapacitet til at håndtere komplekse og tværgående udfordringer, såsom klimaændringer, social ulighed og sikkerhed.
• Fremme innovation og læring i den offentlige sektor ved at udnytte viden og ressourcer fra forskellige kilder og perspektiver.

Nogle af svaghederne ved whole-of-government skolen er, at den kan:

• Skabe rollekonflikter og ansvarsforvirring mellem forskellige aktører og niveauer i den offentlige sektor.
• Reducere den demokratiske ansvarlighed og gennemsigtighed i den offentlige forvaltning ved at øge magten hos ikke-valgte embedsmænd og eksterne partnere.
• Medføre øgede omkostninger og transaktionsomkostninger ved at kræve mere koordination, kommunikation og konsensus.

Det er helt fint, at Kolding Kommune bliver mere resultatorienterede på udvalgte indikatorer såsom det Regionale Competetiveness Index, men det forudsætter at Regionen spiller med, at deltager-demokratiet fungerer og interkationsmønstrene er mere åbne, og at organisationen er reelt funktionelt integreret . Den visions-drevne ledelsesform bør udnyttes til at lave en årsberetning omfattende aktiviteter, evaluering af effekter af poltikker og strategier, performance kontrol, politik-udvikling, og anvendelsen af indikatorer samt spørgeskemaer sammenholdt med borger-tilfredshedsundersøgelser. På det grundlag kan byrådet tage stilling til, hvordan landet ligger og hvor der skal sættes ind i det bæredygtige samfund. Ellers har ræven ingen hale og der bliver tale om gammel vin på ny flaske og et slaraffenland for alvidende instititutoner, der brander sig uden at integrere sig og være ansvarlige.

Kolding trænger både til ro til at gro, og til handlings-orienteret strategier. Vi skal alle være glade for, at der findes kvinder med bukserne på, og hjertet på rette sted. Når jeg går rundt og taler med folk, siger de handlende i gågaden, at Kolding er en uddannelsesby, den unge kvinde på caféen stirrer med triste øjne blindt ud af vinduet, den gamle erfarne driftige mand, født og opvokset i Kolding, at der er kedeligt og ikke sker en skid i byen. I Haderslev ser de op til Kolding og forventer at vi leder. I Vejle trækker de på skulderen, men hvor godt samarbejder vi egentligt i Trekantsområdet ?

Kolding har et stort potentiale, og kan udvikle sig i de kommende år til en fremgangsrig og dynamisk dansk-nordisk-europæisk provinsby, til Sydjyllands hovedstad. Det kræver at alle trækker på samme hammel, og beslutter sig for,at det skal være løgn, at man ikke skyer sammenligninger og konkurrence, lærer af hinanden og støtter hinanden som led i en fremadskuende plan forenet med skridtvise , samordnet og integrerede tilgange. Det er endeligt vigtigt ikke at lukke sig ind i en niche,og kunstigt begrænse sit perspektiv, og tro at læring ikke er en del af livet i institutionerne samt at være ærlig om mulighederne og forhindringerne i sit strategi-budskab, og hvordan og hvorfor Kolding skal komme frem i skoen.

Der er bred folkelig opbakning til at Kolding skal videre, og at Borgmester Langhoff er en flink mand. Han ønsker på engang at akkomodere modstanden mod forandringer i Kolding, og at søge tilgivelse hos den borgerlige lejr. Og det er er jo altsammen meget menneskeligt. Men det duer altså ikke med en leder, der ikke vil noget og som hverken coacher, sætter retning, delegerer eller støtter. En leder skulle gerne belønne dem, der gør en forskel, forbinde strategi med organisatorisk struktur, overse arbejdsdeling og integration af indsatser og integrere tidssvarende interaktionsmønstre i organisationen, skabe relationer og tage sig af organisationen, kontrollere fordelingen af midler, kommunikere udadtil og skabe forpligtelse langs kurven af kontaktskabelse, bevidsthed, forståelse, afprøvning, begrænset tilegnelse og institutionalisering.

Vi ser endelig frem til, at Kolding bliver til en designby med smag for malerier og skulpturer samt urban wall art, herunder en digital en af slagsen som i Helsingborg.

https://streetartcities.com/cities/helsingborg

https://www.easyjet.com/ejcms/cache/medialibrary/Files/Sustainability/easyJet_2022_ARA_Sustainability_221215.pdf

https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/maps/regional-competitiveness_en

https://www.jstor.org/stable/27735482

https://www.saxo.com/dk/performance-management-in-the-public-sector_geert-bouckaert-john-halligan-wouter-van-dooren_pdf_9781317814160

https://ideas.repec.org/a/bla/socsci/v86y2005i3p704-723.html

https://www.resourcepanel.org/reports/urban-agricultures-potential-advance-multiple-sustainability-goals

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0264275118303044

The relationship between the EU Commission, the European Council (EUCO), and the European Parliament is based on the principle of institutional balance, which means that each institution has its role and powers in the EU’s decision-making process. The Commission is the executive arm of the EU, responsible for proposing and implementing EU policies and laws. The EUCO sets the general political direction and priorities of the EU and is composed of the heads of state or government of the member states. The PArliament is the legislative arm of the EU, representing the citizens of the EU, and shares the power to adopt and amend Eu laws with the Council of the EU, representing the governments of the member states.

To transform this relationship into a more classical one between parliament, executive, and member state representatives, some possible steps could include:

• Strengthening the role of the Parliament in electing and overseeing the Commission and initiating and amending EU legislation to increase its democratic legitimacy and accountability.
• The President of the EU Commission is the President-elect if the person and his coalition win the European Parliament election as the lead candidate upon which she becomes the President of the EU.
• Reforming the EUCO to make it more transparent, accountable, and representative of the diversity of the EU and to clarify its role and relationship with the other EU institutions.
• Enhancing the participation and consultation of national parliaments, regional and local authorities, civil society, and citizens in the EU policymaking process to foster a more participatory and deliberative democracy in the EU.
• Developing a shared vision and strategy for the future of Europe based on the principles of subsidiarity, proportionality, solidarity, and cohesion and reflecting the values and interests of the EU and its citizens.

. As part of this commitment, the Commission has launched several initiatives and actions, such as:

• The Conference on the Future of Europe is a unique and timely opportunity for European citizens to debate Europe’s challenges and priorities
• The European Democracy Action Plan is a set of measures to empower citizens and build more resilient democracies across the EU.
• The Communication on Enhancing the European Administrative Space (ComPAct) is a strategic set of actions to help public administration become more resilient, innovative, and skilled.
• The Expert Group on Public Administration and Governance is a platform to facilitate the dialogue between the Commission and member state representatives on public administration and governance.

These initiatives and actions show the Commission’s willingness to engage with the other EU institutions, the member states, and the citizens to reform and modernize the EU governance system. However, the Commission cannot act alone, and the success of these initiatives and actions depends on the cooperation and support of the other EU actors and stakeholders. There is the right of initiative and a right of initiative.

Next comes how the parliaments could be strengthened.

One possible way of strengthening the member state parliamentary administrations and the European parties is to enhance their role and influence in the EU legislative process. The European Parliament (EP) is the only directly elected EU institution representing EU citizens. However, its powers are limited compared to the Council of the EU, which represents the governments of the member states. The EP has co-decision rights with the Council on most policy areas but not foreign and security policy, taxation, or treaty amendments. Moreover, the EP cannot initiate legislation but can only amend or reject proposals from the European Commission. Therefore, one option could be to increase the EP’s legislative powers and allow it to develop a model for an open democracy ( Helene Landemore Open democracy).

The EP is one of the two branches of the budgetary authority of the European Union (EU) and the Council of the EU. The EP has the right to amend and adopt the annual EU budget and exercise control over its implementation. The Ep’s budgetary powers have increased over time, especially since the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, which removed the distinction between compulsory expenditure and gave the EP an euwqal say eith the Council over the entire EU budget.

Some possible ways to strengthen the budgetary powers of the EP are:

• Enhancing the EP’s role in negotiating and adopting the multiannual financial framework (MFF), which sets the spending limits and priorities for the EU budget for at least five years. Currently the MMF is adopted byt he Council with the consent od the EP. Still, the EP has calledfor a complete co-decison procedure and more flexibility to adjust the MFF in response tochanging needs and challenges.
• Increasing the EP’s involvement in designing and implementing new resources for the EU budget, which are revenues that do not depend on national contributions. The EP has advocatedfor amore diversfied and autonomous sources of income for the Eu, such as digital tax, a carbon border adjustment mechanism, or a financial transaction tax.
• Harmonisation of the budget cycle with the tax cycle: 5 years.
• Improving the EP’s oversight and scrutiny of the EU budget, especially in areas where the management and control of expenditure is shared with the Member States, such as agriculture, cohesion, or recovery funds. The EP can use its power of discharge, which is the approval or rejection of the budget execution by the Commission and other EU institutions and agencies, to hold them accountable for the sound financial management of the EU funds. The EP can also rely on the reports and opinions of the European Court of Auditors and its own Committe on Budgetary control to monitor and evaluate the performance and results of the Eu budget.

In time, it could be considered  to codify in the Treaty a pre-defined upper limit of share of the EU’s GDP, say, 7% i stead od at present 1,27%. This would lead to a relativization of the member states right to raise taxes since the financing of a tightly knit fiscal-military actor , the financing of polices for Europe in areas that the member state cannot solve alone, and to enhance the EU’s global power would imply the right to raise direct taxes by the EU. Finally, it is important to be aware that a decentralized EU in no way means an EU unable to act forcefully or a weakening of the political center. On the contrary. It is meant to adapt to the realities in Europe while doing the minimum to make EU and its political communities punch above their weight.

This could give more voice and visibility to the European parties and their political groups in the EP, as well as to the national parliaments that elect the MEP

https://knowledge4policy.ec.europa.eu/sites/default/files/CC-DEMOS%20Brief_Me.pdf

https://reform-support.ec.europa.eu/public-administration-and-governance-coordination/enhancing-european-administrative-space-compact_en

https://reform-support.ec.europa.eu/public-administration-and-governance-coordination_en

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/legislative-train/theme-a-new-push-for-european-democracy/file-european-democracy-action-plan

https://iep-berlin.de/site/assets/files/2179/iep_paper_bp_electoral_reform_final-1.pdf

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/19/the-european-parliament-powers

https://wayback.archive-it.org/12090/20230417172132/https://futureu.europa.eu/en

https://www.wzb.eu/en/research/dynamics-of-political-systems/center-for-civil-society-research/projects/daten-portal-zu-politischen-konflikten-und-protest-in-europa

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2021/679084/EPRS_STU(2021)679084_EN.pdf

As part of the strengthening of Europol, I am proposing the establishment of an External Relations Unit in order to facilitate the development of police cooperation between EU and third countries. This applies to CELAC, the MED and the Black Sea, but also to the EU’s ten Strategic Partners.

In relation to China, the Triad is a major crime group with more than 20,000 members, which has its own interests but interchangeably also act as the prolonged arm of the more sinister parts of the Chinese deep state,  including beating up student protesters according to a recent feature on Arte.

The EU regulary issue reports on the developments in Hong Kong. While Xi Jinping may be correct about that John Lee has managed to restore order in HKSAR, this is just the beginning of the reconciliation process and rebuilding of trust between HKSAR and its populace, the EU and Hong Kong towards the removal of sanctions on HNK officials. The HKSAR government are making a good many right moves and a track has now been trodden out, but it fail to address the concerns of its partners effectively and with action-oriented strategies, to ensure fonctional integration in the government, to question the intellectual structure of what it is doing, to open up to the world, to explore the potential for developing the links between EU-China-HNK, and to modernize the ways it does things. It is also spending a lot of money. I have a plan how to address these issues, but bang my head up against a wall when I try to reach out to HKSAR government. I fail to understand why. I am a doer and a problem-solver, mature and well-intentioned.

Once the push-ups have been undertaken, the EU should consider adopting an action plan on how to fight the sprawling crime scene in China, beginning with Hong Kong. 14K, part of the triad, is involved in a wide range of criminal activities, including drug trafficking (heroin and opium), illegal gambling, money laundering, human trafficking, extortion and counterfeiting, arson, fraud, murder, kidnapping, money laundering, illegal gambling, contract murder, arms trafficking, prostitution and robberies. 14K has infiltrated Chinese restaurants in Belgium and Holland, and controls the export of drugs. Similiarly does it cooperate with other crime groups in France on heroin exports, in Ireland 14K is involved in traficking, it operates from London’s Chinatown und so weiter.

Here is a table of contents for an action plan against the 14K:

1.  Introduction
2. Background on the 14K
3. Overview of the 14K’s criminal activities
4. Current efforts to combat the 14 K
5. Proposed Action Plan

• Objectives
• Strategies
• Tactics
• Timeline
• Ressources

• Conclusion

Among the strategies could be strengthened law enforcement cooperation, targeted sanctions and asset freezes, public awareness campaigns, strengthening of border controls, disruption of the organisation and its allies in both ends of Eurasia.

Joint Report on HKSAR

https://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/2023/HONG%20KONG%20-%20JOIN_2023_30_1_EN.pdf

HKSAR Policy Adress 2023

https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2023/en/policy.html

European Parliament

https://www.europarl.eu/doceo/document/TA-9-2020-0174_EN.html?

Danmark har ikke en specifik industriel strategi for bæredygtig vækst, men har flere strategier og initiativer,der sigter mod at styrke den grønne omstilling og bæredygtigheden af den danske økonomi og industri. Nogle af disse strategier er:

Strategien for cirkulær økonomi: Denne strategi blev lanceret i 2018 med det formål at gøre Danmark til et foregangsland for cirkulær økonomi. Den indeholder 27 initiativer, der skal fremme genanvendelsen og genbrug af materialer, reducere ressourceforbruget og affaldsmængden, skabe nye forretningsmodeller og arbejdspladser samt styrke inter-nationalt samarbejde om cirkulær økonomi. Omstillingen til cirkulær økonomi er basret på tre strategier: (1) Skabe cirkulære ressourcestrømme gennem genanvendelse (2) Forlænge materialernes brugs-og genbrugsfaser gennem renovering og genfremstilling (3) reducere brugen af naturlige ressourcer og maksimere effektiviteten i produktionsprocesser[1]

Klimaplanen for grøn industri Denne plan blev lanceret i 2020 med det formål at reducere drivhusgasudledningerne fra industrien med 70 procent i 2020 i forhold til 1990. Den indeholder 38 initiativer, der skal fremme energieffektivitet, vedvarende energi, biogas, CO2-fangst og læring, grøn brint og elektrificering i industrien[2]. Planen omfatter øget brug af grøn strøm og øge energi-effektiviteten i industrien, udbud af støtte til biogas og andre grønne gasser, styrkelse af forskning og udvikling af nye klimateknologi, etable-ring af klimapartnerskab mellem regeringen og industrien. Der er vedtaget sektor-handlingsplaner indenfor forskellige områder for eksempel en strategi for udvikling af grønne brændstoffer[3] og en national strategi for bæredygtigt byggeri[4]

Strategien for bæredygtig udvikling  denne strategi blev lanceret i 2021 med det formål at bidrage til at opfylde FN’s 17 verdensmål for bæredygtig udvikling siden 2030. den indeholder 70 initiativer, der skal fremme social, økonomisk og  miljømæssig bære-dygtighed i Danmark og globalt. Den dækker blandt andet områder såsom klima- og naturbeskyttelse, ligestilling og inklusion, sundhed og uddannelse, demokrati og menneskerettigheder, fred og sikkerhed, handel og udviklingssamarbejde[5].

En Industriel strategi for bæredygtig vækst en industriel strategi bæredygtig vækst er en plan eller et sæt af politikker der sigter på at fremme udviklingen og konkurrence-dygtigheden af en specifik sektor i et land eller en region, mens den bidrager til miljømæssig, social og økonomisk bæredygtighed. En industriel strategi for bæredygtig vækst kan omfatte forskellige elementer, såsom

• Investering i forskning og innovation, navnligt i grønne og digitale teknologier, at fostre produktivitet, konkurrencedygtighed og modstandskraft i industrien
• Støtte uddannelse i udviklingen af færdigheder, navnlig i videnskab, teknologi, ingeniør og matematik for at matche de nuværende og fremtidige behov i industrien og skabe kvalitetsjobs
• Forbedre infrastrukturen og digitaliseringen såsom transport, energi og vand, affald og bredbåndsnetværk, effeciens og bæredygtighed i industrien
• Reformere reguleringen og standarder, såsom miljømæssig, sundhed og sikkerhed, forbrugerbeskyttelse og konkurrenceregler, at skabe et level  playing field for industrien og stimulere innovation og kvalitet
• Give skatte og finansielle incitamenter såsom subsidier, bevillinger, lån, garantier og skattelettelser, at støtte industriens transition til en lav-karbon og cirkulær økonomi.
• Øget handels og markedsadgang såsom gennem handels aftaler, markedsovervågning og eksportfremme, at åbne op for nye muligheder for industrien i globale markeder
• Engagere interesenter og civilsamfundet, for eksempel gennem social dialog, konsultation og deltagelsesmekanisme for at sikre industriens legitimitet, holdes til ansvar og stimulere social ansvarlighed.

Det skal sammenholdes med, at Eu netop har vedtaget en industriplan for den grønne pagt med henblik på at styrke den europæiske nulemission-industris konkurrenceevne og for at understøtte en hurtig omstilling til klimaneutralitet. Det skal ske ved at skabe et mere gunstigt miljø for at øge produktionskapaciteten for de nulemissionsteknologier- og produkter, der er nødvendige for at nå Europas ambitiøse klimamål. Der er over 4,5 millioner arbejdspladser indenfor sektoren i EU og værdien af Eu’s økosystem af nystartede nulemsissionsvirksomheder i 2021 var 100 milliarder i 2021. Industriplanens fire indsatsområder: Forudsigelighed og forenklet lovgivning, hurtigere adgang til finansiering, udvikling af færdigheder samt åben handel, der giver stærkere forsyningskæder.

Så siger det sig selv, at Danmark er nødt til at strikke en industriplan sammen, så koordineret handling og partnerskab opstår. Et sted for Kolding at bidrage kunne være ved at indtænke øko-forretningspark-tænkning ind i erhvervsområdet ved Tankedalsvej.

Christian ILCUS

[1] https://www.bing.com7search?q-strategien+for+cirkulær+økonomi&toWww=1&redig=73A6F77A760E40879EDB2B01F1CA57F99

[2] https://kefm.dk/MEDIA/8/8/aftaletekst-klimaaftale-energi-og-industri&20(1).pdf

[3] https://kefm.dk7aktuelt/nykeder/2021/sep/regeringen-fermskynder-klimaindsatsen-med-koereplan-til-ny-2025-deadline?ssp=1&darkschemeovr=06setlang0da-DK6safesearch=moederate

[4] National strategi for bæredygtig byggeri https://bpst.dk/da/Byggeri/Baredygtigt-byggeri/NY-National-strategi-for-bæredygtigt-byggeri?ssp=1&darkschemeovr=06setlang=da-DK&safesearch=moderate#

[5] Udvikling med omtanke – fælles ansvar [online] https://www2.mst.dk/udgiv/publikationer/2001/87-7944-604-3/pdf/87-7944-604-3/pdf/87-7944-572-1.pdf/87-7944-572-1.pdf?ssp=1&darkschemeovr=0&setlang=da-DK&safeseearch=moderate