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A comprehensive debt reduction strategy in the Eurozone could be structured as follows:

1. Historical Perspective on Debt: As David Graeber outlines in his book “Debt: The First 5000 Years”, debt has played a significant role in societies throughout history. It has been used as a tool for state-building, controlling others, and limiting their actions. Understanding this historical context is crucial for formulating an effective debt reduction strategy.
2. Legislative Requirements: The Eurozone needs to implement legislative reforms that promote fiscal responsibility and debt reduction. This could include laws that limit the amount of debt that member countries can take on and regulations that encourage transparency in public finances.
3. Fiscal Governance: Drawing from Professor Benjamin Cohen’s 2007 RIPE piece, strengthening the fiscal governance framework of the EU is crucial. This involves improving the efficiency and effectiveness of public spending, enhancing the transparency and accountability of fiscal policies, and ensuring that fiscal rules are adhered to.
4. Capital Markets Union: The creation of a Capital Markets Union can help diversify funding sources, improve the stability of the financial system, and facilitate the flow of capital across the Eurozone.
5. Liberalisation of the Retail Market: Liberalising the retail market in the EU can stimulate competition, lower prices, and improve the quality of goods and services. This can boost consumer spending, which in turn can help reduce debt levels.
6. Harmonisation of Debt Issuance Calendars: Ahead of the next big bang enlargement in 2030, harmonising debt issuance calendars across the Eurozone can help synchronise fiscal policies and promote financial stability.
7. Policy-Related Aspects: Policies should be implemented to promote economic growth, reduce unemployment, and increase productivity. These can include structural reforms, investment in infrastructure and education, and policies that promote research and development.
8. Institutional Requirements: Institutions play a crucial role in debt reduction. They need to be strong enough to enforce fiscal rules, monitor debt levels, and implement necessary reforms.
9. Franco-German Structured Rivalry and Supranational Leadership: The enduring Franco-German rivalry has shaped the EU. However, the failure of supranational leadership to take smooth and forceful action has often hindered progress. Overcoming this rivalry and strengthening supranational leadership is crucial for the successful implementation of a debt reduction strategy.

In conclusion, debt plays a significant role in state-building. It is a resource that, when managed properly, can contribute to the development and prosperity of a nation. However, when mismanaged, it can lead to economic instability and hardship. Therefore, a comprehensive and effective debt reduction strategy is essential for the economic health and stability of the Eurozone.

Given the complexity and diversity of the Eurozone, it’s challenging to provide detailed country-by-country recommendations on institution-building, policy development, and legislation. However, I can provide some general guidelines that could be tailored to each country’s specific context:

1. Institution-Building: Institutions play a crucial role in managing debt and implementing fiscal policies. Countries should focus on strengthening their institutions, particularly those related to fiscal management. This could involve enhancing the capacity of these institutions, improving their governance structures, and ensuring their independence.
2. Policy Development: Policies should be designed to promote economic growth, reduce unemployment, and increase productivity. This could involve structural reforms, investment in infrastructure and education, and policies that promote research and development.
3. Legislation: Legislative reforms that promote fiscal responsibility and debt reduction should be implemented. This could include laws that limit the amount of debt that member countries can take on and regulations that encourage transparency in public finances.

As for the optimal level of debt, it’s important to note that there’s no one-size-fits-all answer. The optimal level of debt can vary depending on a country’s specific economic conditions and fiscal capacity. However, the EU treaties have enshrined an upper limit to the debts of member states relative to their economic output. Their debt-to-GDP ratio should not exceed 60%. At the end of 2022, the EU general government gross debt decreased to 84.0 % of GDP.

Regarding the introduction of an EU-tax, the European Commission has adopted a Tax Package that aims to make taxation fairer, simpler, and more adapted to modern technologies. The proposal, called “Business in Europe: Framework for Income Taxation” (BEFIT), will introduce a new, single set of rules to determine the tax base of groups of companies. This is part of the EU’s broader efforts to forge a stronger fiscal-military actor at the heart of Eurasia

Please note that these are general recommendations and each country within the Eurozone may need to tailor these guidelines to their specific context and needs. It’s also important to keep in mind that any changes to fiscal policies or debt levels should be done in consultation with relevant stakeholders and in accordance with EU regulations and guidelines.

Summary

The reduction of debt in the eurozone ahead of stage 4 – the harmonization of debt issuance calendars – are likely timed to coincide with structural change in the international system and to consolidate the movement of the EU towards a tightly integrated fiscal-military actor. That is it implies a theory of change in the polarity of the international system linked to state-building processes in Europe.

Given views are converging on the finalité politique of the Eu integration project and Professor Cohen’s piece has been out now for 17 years, it follows it is presupposed by the prolongation of the Franco-German tandem’s sway over high politics in the European Union. This, by far, doesn’t imply the Eu institutions should not try and even out differences and should nor report to duty when called on or when into the mood for co-creation of the remunarated version, bien-sur.,-

For some time, the ECB has been clamoring for advancing the capital market union given  its concern for balance sheet recession following the debt crisis, the return to growth in the European economy and the interest in promoting the EU’s open strategic autonomy.

This signals a need for how to tie in a debt reduction strategy during UVLII and how to proceed on the different stages of BJC’s rocket towards 2030. At this point, France and Germany has decided to move forward on harmonization of the debt issuance calendars in the Eurozone, only.

Clearly, there is a need for consultations with Professor Cohen on what he had in mind, how to strengthen tax governance in EU and the Member States,  the purposes an EU tax could be used for based on pilot projects within budget and time likely at regional level, and the format of and content of the legislative framework underpinning the Eurozone debt reduction strategy in the run-up to 2030.

Two possibilities:

The institutional track: The ECB’s preference for preventing balance sheet recession and promoting the EU’s open strategic actor-hood is sized for conducting a review of the Capital Markets Union Action Plan. Parallel to this, an administrative reorganization is undertaken in EEAS, whereby the SP Unit on strategies, an SP-Unit on thematic issues, and action plans in the Eu delegation are implemented, while the EU Commission publicizes a strategy for debt reduction in the €urozone.

The Berlin-Brussels-Paris Track: A strategy on debt reduction in the €urozone will be published to coincide with consensus on implementing the CMU Action Plan on outstanding issues following EP elections in conjunction with the Draghi report on competitiveness.

https://theknowledge.io/david-graebers-debt-the-first-5000-years/

https://academic.oup.com/book/44055/chapter-abstract/371943686?redirectedFrom=fulltext

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/Departmental-Papers-Policy-Papers/Issues/2022/08/31/Reforming-the-EU-Fiscal-Framework-Strengthening-the-Fiscal-Rules-and-Institutions-The-EUs-518388

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41295-023-00344-6

https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0pt8p8g4

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2023/747906/EPRS_BRI%282023%29747906_EN.pdf

https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2023/6/9201.pdf

https://news.yale.edu/2023/09/28/pawn-states-exploring-costs-external-debt-nation-building

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balance_sheet_recession

https://www.amazon.com/Escape-Balance-Sheet-R

ecession-Trap/dp/1119028124/ref=sr_1_2?dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.2NsIgNNU5L7UjkCHzKbI4y3YVuoIv_KLK2Xc3CgXqwbfFoLTBurkxew8XV_PWGDibNUAD7LNcGX81NxnEfKmIlY3trbHoVzH16E7DGNWez13W4ntNs75IjpeljlBsW6y9rP0U3UDZgWCYqKyxpM6h9-ex6_6tZeX5GDiTmCe8rtngLPz2jDmjDNMKUfelGAbPJ-tvAZmYyTmJv44iPY7OQ-cieyx5kZV4boHJJE5u8A.8Kpm5zsEc4HUgInCVxBR2jiQ1Ijf1o8sijVsQiNgOiw&dib_tag=se&qid=1711985327&refinements=p_27%3ARichard+C.+Koo&s=books&sr=1-2&text=Richard+C.+Koo

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4610456

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/pdf/scpops/ecb.op311~5065ff588c.en.pdf

The Principle of Double Effect is often invoked in ethical discussions. It states that if an action has foreseeable harmful effects that are practically inseparable from the good effect, it may be justifiable under certain conditions. Here are the key criteria for applying this principle:

1. The nature of the act itself must be good or at least morally neutral.
2. The agent intends the good effect and does not intend the bad effect, either as a means to the good or as an end in itself.
3. The good effect outweighs the bad effect in circumstances sufficiently grave to justify causing the bad effect.
4. The agent exercises restraint to minimisez harmful effects

In essence, the principle distinguishes between intended consequences and those that are foreseen but not directly intended. It helps evaluate the permissibility of actions when there’s a moral tension between positive and negative outcomes.

For instance, consider the act of self-defense: preserving one’s own life (intended) while also resulting in the killing of an aggressor (unintended). The principle recognizes this dual effect and provides a framework for ethical evaluation

Remember that this principle is a philosophical tool, and its application can vary based on context and interpretation

1. Principles of EU’s Asia Policy:
   • Rules-Based Order: The EU promotes a rules-based international order grounded in shared values, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
   • Inclusive Cooperation: The EU engages in long-term, principled multilateral cooperation with Asian partners.
   • Commitment to Democracy: The EU advocates for resilient forms of democracy and democratic governance in the region.
   • Respect for Human Rights: Upholding human rights is a fundamental principle in EU-Asia relations.
2. Parameters for Review:
   • China Relations: Managing the EU’s relationship with an assertive China using a multifaceted approach.
   • Strategic Partnerships: Deepening ties with strategic partners such as India, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN.
   • Indo-Pacific Focus: Reinforcing the EU’s presence and actions in the Indo-Pacific.
   • Afghanistan Support: Continuing partnership and support for the Afghan people.
   • Engagement with DPRK: Maintaining critical engagement with North Korea.
   • Rohingya Crisis: Addressing root causes and facilitating the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar.
   • Connectivity: Building sustainable transport, digital, energy, and people-to-people networks between Europe and Asia.
3. From Asia-Pacific to Asia Strategy:
   • Shift in Focus: Transitioning from a broader Asia-Pacific strategy to a more targeted Asia strategy.
   • Reasons for Shift:
     • Geopolitical Dynamics: Rising challenges and tensions in the Indo-Pacific.
     • Trade and Supply Chains: Ensuring stability amid trade tensions and supply chain disruptions.
     • Security Concerns: Addressing security threats in the region.
   • Ensuring EU’s Role:
     • Principled Engagement: The EU’s commitment to shared values and multilateral cooperation remains unchanged.
     • Long-Term Approach: Sustained engagement for stability, security, and prosperity.
     • Human Security: Prioritizing the well-being of people in the region.

In summary, the EU’s Asia strategy emphasizes cooperation, stability, and adherence to democratic principles. By focusing on Asia and the Indo-Pacific and maintaining a principled approach, the EU aims to be a force for positive change in Asia’s growth and stability.

The European Union (EU) maintains a multifaceted engagement with China, focusing on both trade and security matters. Let’s delve into the specifics:

1. Trade Relations:
   • Open Trading Relations: The EU is committed to open trade with China.
   • Expectations from China:
     • Fair Trade Practices: China is expected to adhere to fair trade practices.
     • Intellectual Property Rights: Respect for intellectual property rights.
     • WTO Obligations: Fulfill its obligations as a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
   • Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI):
     • Negotiated in 2020, the CAI aims to grant EU investors greater access to China’s market.
     • Not yet ratified or in force.
     • Covers market access, state-owned enterprises, subsidies, and technology transfer.
     • Sets high standards for transparency and sustainable development.
     • EU continues work on autonomous measures related to subsidies and due diligence.
2. Security and Human Rights:
   • Human Rights Dialogue: The EU resumed the Human Rights Dialogue with China in 2023.
   • One China Policy: The EU reaffirms its consistent One China policy.
   • Taiwan Strait Tensions: The EU expresses concerns about increased tensions in the Taiwan Strait.
3. Long-Term Bilateral Relations:
   • Investment Agreement: The EU-China Investment Agreement ensures fairer treatment for EU companies in China.
   • Transparency and Level Playing Field: Commitments cover state-owned enterprises, subsidies, and technology transfer.
   • Sustainable Development: Provisions address climate and forced labor.

In summary, the EU engages with China through principled trade relations, investment agreements, and dialogues on human rights and security. Balancing economic interests with values remains a priority for the EU in its interactions with China.

EU’s Strategic Partnerships with Japan, India, and South Korea:

1. Japan:
   • Drivers and Outcomes:
     • Geopolitical Interests: Shared commitment to a rules-based international order.
     • Economic Cooperation: Collaboration on trade, investment, and technology.
     • Security Cooperation: Joint naval exercises, counter-terrorism efforts.
   • Limitations: Geopolitical value remains modest in the Asia-Pacific context.
   • Example: EU-Japan cooperation in Operation Atalanta near the Horn of Africa.
2. India:
   • Drivers and Outcomes:
     • Strategic Partnership: Strengthening economic ties and addressing global challenges.
     • Digital Cooperation: Enhancing digital collaboration and sustainable extraction of raw materials.
   • Limitations: Geopolitical impact still primarily economic.
   • Example: EU-India Digital Partnership Agreement.
3. South Korea:
   • Drivers and Outcomes:
     • Strategic Choice: Prioritizing negotiation and strategic decisions.
     • Security Cooperation: Participation in regional navy exercises.
   • Limitations: Similar modest geopolitical value in the Asia-Pacific context.
   • Example: Cooperation in maritime security and cybersecurity.

Way Forward:

1. Conclusion of SPA and EPA:
   • Strategic Partnership Agreements (SPA):
     • Strengthen political dialogue, security cooperation, and economic ties.
     • Address shared challenges such as climate change and terrorism.
   • Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA):
     • Facilitate trade, investment, and sustainable development.
     • Enhance connectivity and supply chains.
2. Role of ASEM Framework:
   • Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM):
     • Informal Platform: Dialogue and cooperation between Asia and Europe.
     • Global Weight: Represents 65% of global GDP, 60% of global population, and significant trade and tourism.
     • Multilateral Solutions: Upholds international law and promotes regional stability.
     • Examples: Joint efforts on cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and connectivity.
3. Strengthening ASEM:
   • Policy Ideas: Foster exchange of ideas and best practices.
   • Smart Security Enabler: Use advanced member state capabilities to build partners’ capacities.
   • Economic Cooperation: Collaborate on sustainable raw material extraction and digital technologies.

Relevance of Other Multilateral Frameworks:

• ASEAN: EU’s strategic partnership with ASEAN enhances security cooperation and economic ties.
• SAARC: Cooperation with South Asian countries on regional stability and development.
• Other Bilateral and Regional Agreements: EU’s engagement with China, Russia, and other Asian partners.

In summary, the EU’s strategic partnerships with Japan, India, and South Korea are vital for stability, economic growth, and addressing global challenges. Strengthening ASEM and other multilateral frameworks ensures a cooperative and rules-based international system.

https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/china/european-union-and-china_en?s=166

https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/eu-trade-relationships-country-and-region/countries-and-regions/china_en

https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2023/12/07/24th-eu-china-summit-engaging-to-promote-our-values-and-defend-our-interests/pdf

https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/en/analyses/the-eu-and-japan-forging-joint-opportunities-for-global-technology-governance-beyond-great-power-rivalry/

https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10308-008-0210-2

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2018/628265/EPRS_BRI%282018%29628265_EN.pdf

https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/asia-europe-meeting-asem_en

I en tale for lang tid siden citerede Richard von Weiszäcker dette jødiske ordsprog  for sit publikum: ”At glemme forlænger eksilet. Frelsens hemmelighed hedder erindring”. Pointen var, at Tysklands selvmord på Europa gik gennem soning med sine jødiske ofre.

Marco Evrastti, en  dansk-chilensk har et andet take. Siden 2007 har hans kunstværk Rolexgate, der forestiller banegården til Auschwitz, været udstillet i kælderen på Galleri Trapholdt, som et momento om ikke at gentage historien. Den er som bekendt lavet af guldtænder, nogle af hvilke  stammer fra Holocaust-offre. Det er på den måde at kunstneren ønsker at meditere over sin skæbne og sin tro og det tomrum, folkedrabet på jøderne har efterladt i Europa. Han er i dag konverteret til buddishmen. Der er ingen tvivl om, at jødernes lidelser ikke er slut endnu, men er det ensbetydende at vi skal blive hængende i konceptkunst og installationer ?

Lad mig ikke spare min ord: Det er det mest bizarre museums-stykke jeg har set i mands minde.

Selvfølgelig er Dostojevskijs Optegnelser fra Kælderdybet baseret på begyndelsen på afviklingen af en fortid, en fortid der forekommer stadigt mere afgørende og oprindelig, jo længere disse værker kommer på afstand af den. Tinderne kommer nærmere, eftersom bjergbestigernes horisont udvider sig, fortæller René Girard i sin bog Fra Dobbelt-gænger til Enhed om Dostojevskij. Det retfærdiggører opstillingen, hvis formålet måtte være at opforde koldingenserne til sandhedssøgen om byen, til at blive sig selv, at komme hinanden mere ved, at være mindre autonome, bedre organiseret. Trapholt provokerer så at sige byrådet til at træde i karakter og føre 6.k op til sin maksimale ydekraft. Guderne skal vide der findes både tonedøve og tunge i røven-typer i byen ved siden af den driftige handelsstand, som tænger til et spark bagi. Trapholt bitcher byen.  Få så fingeren ud, Kolding !

Da Rolexgate blev udstillet for første gang, inden den blev anskaffet af Trapholt i 2007 mødte det overalt på massiv kritik. Kombinationen af luxus og symbolet på folkedrabet på jøderne var kontroversiel. Brugen af menneskelige rester fra jøder vakte tilsvarende forargelse.   Evraistti’s mål var at kritisere Schweiz’ rolle i Holocaust ved at exponere spænd-ningen mellem velstand, tid og historisk trauma. Jødiske organisatiner reagerede på udstillingen af værket med bekymirng og uro, opfordring til dialog, kritik af kunsterens valg samt anerkendelse af kunstens betydning.

Det er næppe det eneste problem. Problemet er, at for at løse et politisk og bureakratisk problem i Kolding er Trapholt fastholdt i en forbigangen æras koncepter om installations-kunst, der dels mangler kvalitet dels er utilstrækkeligt forankret og foryer tradtionen. Rabbi Nilton Bonder i sin bog Immoral Soul minder os om, at ved gendannelsen af Israel, at vi skal skabe noget nyt og rigtigt i stedet for at engagere os i politiske eventyr. Blandt den frygt der plager det kollektivt ubevidste, indtager frygten for ikke at indfrie sæden en særlig plads blandt jøderne.

Det minder os om, hvordan hormoner og gener forenet med vor sanselighed, følelser og familiebånd betinger os. Jeremias minder os om , at den guddommelige ild der nærer et  menneskes indre både kan betinge en profets sjæl og et behov for at udtrykke den. Jeremias var ikke på niveau og havde ej heller modet og dristigheden til at samle Israel forenet med en gennemtænkt plan for at forene landet. Og dog så blev han det foretrukne offer for  samtidens jødiske samfunds dekadence. Man drev ham ud på fortvivlsens rand, fortalte ham jeg knepper din mor, den lesbiske møgluder. Men selv efter at Israel påny var ødelagt forblev Jeremias med sine fontæner af tårer husket og værdsat af folket. I Verdis opera Nabucco hører vi det jødiske slavekor synge disse linier:

Va’, pensiero, sull’ali dorate;
Va, ti posa sui clivi, sui colli,
ove olezzano tepide e molli
l’aure dolci del suolo natal!,

På dansk:

Gå, tanker på gyldne vinger

Gå, slå jer ned på skråninger og bakkedrag

Hvor varmt og blødt og velduftende er

Den søde brise af vor hjemland!

Den gælder som Italiens uofficielle nationalsang, fortalte min ven Tullio Ciampa mig engang, men tiderne hvor Østrig undertrykte italienerne er forlængst ovre. Han giftede sig i øvrigt langt senere med sin Valentina Tremante, en sicililianer med alt hvad dette indebærer.

Men man kan ikke vælge at være Guds folk. Man er udvalgt. I det mindste indtil omfattende fred i Mellemøsten er brudt ud, og Israel forsonet med sine naboer og sin historie ved at blive integreret i denne omskiftelige og ustabile naboregion til Europa. Forstillingen om at jøderne er et udvalgt folk stammer eftersigende fra, valget af hvem der er den bedre hyrde og bliver ophøjet og dertil valgt til at lede flokken. Og det er alt hvad jeg har at sige om forskellen mellem at støtte politikken og at forme den. For vi er tjenere.

Lachaim -Abrahamsen!

Preamble

The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, hereinafter referred to as the “Parties,” guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter and relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs), and recognizing the need for lasting peace and stability in the South Caucasus region, hereby enter into this comprehensive peace agreement.

Article 1: Territorial Integrity and Borders

1. The Parties reaffirm their commitment to the territorial integrity of each other, in accordance with UNSCRs 822, 853, 874, and 884.
2. The existing international borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan shall be respected and maintained, with the exception of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions, which shall be addressed through negotiations.

Article 2: Establishment of Diplomatic Relations

1. The Parties establish full diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level.
2. Embassies shall be opened in the capitals of Yerevan and Baku within six months of signing this agreement.

Article 3: Nagorno-Karabakh Negotiations

1. The status of Nagorno-Karabakh shall be addressed through negotiations, with the active participation of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, and BSEC.
2. The Parties commit to engaging in good faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable solution, taking into account the interests of all affected communities.
3. Compensation for lost property and reparations for affected individuals shall be part of the negotiation agenda.
4. The rights and security of minorities in Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas shall be guaranteed.

Article 4: Return of Displaced Persons

1. The Parties shall facilitate the safe and voluntary return of displaced persons to their original places of residence, in accordance with UNSCR 874.
2. The border commission shall consider the impact of population movements on territorial claims and address issues related to property rights.

Article 5: Areas of Cooperation

1. The Parties shall promote economic cooperation, trade, and infrastructure development. Specific areas of cooperation include:
   • Telecommunications: Joint efforts to enhance connectivity and digital infrastructure.
   • Transportation: Collaborating on road, rail, and air transport projects.
   • Energy: Exploring joint energy initiatives and renewable energy sources.
   • Cultural Exchange: Encouraging people-to-people interactions and cultural programs.

Article 6: Dispute Mechanisms

1. The Parties agree to establish a Dispute Resolution Mechanism to address any disagreements arising from the implementation of this agreement.
2. The mechanism shall include mediation, arbitration, and consultation processes.
3. The OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs may be invited to assist in dispute resolution when necessary.

Annex I: Border Commission

1. The border commission shall consist of representatives from both Parties and international experts.
2. Its mandate includes:
   • Demarcating the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including Nagorno-Karabakh.
   • Identifying areas of dispute.
   • Proposing solutions for disputed territories.
   • Ensuring transparency and adherence to international norms.

This comprehensive peace agreement aims to address the complex issues surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh while fostering cooperation and stability in the region. Further negotiations and detailed agreements will be necessary to implement the provisions outlined above.

Zangezur Corridor

The Zangezur corridor is a concept that has gained prominence since the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. It revolves around the idea of creating a transport corridor that would connect Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic (an exclave of Azerbaijan) and, in a broader sense, link Turkey to the rest of the Turkic world through Armenia’s Syunik Province.

Here are some key points about the Zangezur corridor:

1. Purpose and Controversy:
   • The corridor aims to provide unimpeded access for Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan without having to pass through Armenian checkpoints.
   • It has been promoted by Azerbaijan and Turkey, while Armenia has consistently objected to it, considering it a form of propaganda.
   • The terminology, potential routes, and modes of transport connections have been points of contention between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which have maintained a mutual blockade since 1989.
2. Historical Context:
   • Zangezur was originally a district created by the Russian Empire in 1868, covering an area that now corresponds to the southern part of Armenia.
   • The area of Syunik/Zangezur was disputed between the first republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan between 1918 and 1920 after the collapse of the Russian Empire.
3. Recent Developments:
   • Azerbaijan has initiated construction projects on its territory, presenting them as part of the implementation of the so-called Zangezur corridor.
   • During 2021 trilateral talks, Armenia expressed willingness to participate in rebuilding the Soviet-era railway links historically connecting Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan, which Azerbaijan interpreted as Armenian consent to the corridor.
   • However, Russia has emphasized that the discussions are about unblocking regional communications, not necessarily creating a corridor.
4. International Perspectives:
   • Some view the Zangezur corridor as a pan-Turkist agenda, while others emphasize the need to resolve the blockade.
   • Russia’s role as a security guarantor for the route has also been highlighted.

Gazakh Conflict

The Gazakh conflict is another historical dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Here are the key points:

1. Background:
   • Gazakh is a region in northwestern Azerbaijan, bordering Armenia.
   • The conflict over Gazakh dates back to the early 20th century, with territorial claims and tensions between the two countries.
2. Territorial Dispute:
   • Gazakh has been a point of contention, with both sides asserting historical and cultural ties to the region.
   • The collapse of the Soviet Union exacerbated the dispute, leading to clashes and territorial claims.
3. Current Situation:
   • Gazakh remains a disputed area, and its status is yet to be fully resolved.
   • The conflict has implications for regional stability and relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

In summary, both the Zangezur corridor and the Gazakh conflict are complex issues with historical roots. Resolving these disputes requires careful diplomacy, cooperation, and respect for international agreements.

Resolving territorial disputes and historical conflicts between nations requires a delicate balance of diplomacy, cooperation, and goodwill. Here are some steps that can contribute to peaceful resolution:

1. Dialogue and Diplomacy:
   • Engage in Constructive Talks: Both Armenia and Azerbaijan should commit to sustained dialogue. High-level negotiations, facilitated by international mediators, can help find common ground.
   • Track Record of Diplomatic Efforts: Build upon existing diplomatic efforts, such as the OSCE Minsk Group’s mediation role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
2. International Involvement:
   • Mediation and Facilitation: Involve neutral third parties, international organizations, and neighboring countries to mediate and facilitate negotiations.
   • UN and Regional Organizations: Leverage the United Nations and regional bodies (such as the European Union) to provide a platform for dialogue and dispute resolution such as EUSR Toovio Klar.
3. Legal Framework and Agreements:
   • Refer to International Law: Base negotiations on established principles of international law, including respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and human rights.
   • Peace Agreements: Develop comprehensive peace agreements that address territorial claims, minority rights, and economic cooperation.
4. Specific Measures for Nagorno-Karabakh:
   • Status Quo: Maintain the current ceasefire and avoid escalations.
   • Return of Displaced Persons: Facilitate the safe return of displaced individuals.
   • Joint Economic Projects: Explore joint economic initiatives that benefit both sides.
5. Zangezur Corridor and Gazakh Conflict:
   • Zangezur Corridor: Address the corridor issue through negotiations, considering historical context and regional interests.
   • Gazakh Conflict: Engage in talks specifically addressing Gazakh, seeking mutually acceptable solutions.
6. People-to-People Initiatives:
   • Cultural Exchange: Promote cultural exchanges, educational programs, and people-to-people interactions to build trust and understanding.
7. Public Awareness and Education:
   • Inform the Public: Educate citizens about the importance of peaceful resolution and the benefits of cooperation.
   • Media Responsibility: Encourage responsible reporting to avoid inflammatory narratives.
8. Long-Term Commitment:
   • Patience and Persistence: Understand that lasting peace takes time. Commit to sustained efforts beyond short-term gains.

Remember that peace is a collective endeavor, and it requires the commitment of governments, civil society, and individuals. By fostering understanding, empathy, and compromise, we can work toward a more stable and harmonious future in the region.

What is role of the Council of Europe ?

The Council of Europe (CoE) plays a crucial role in upholding human rights, democracy, and the rule of law across the European continent. Let’s delve into its functions and relevance:

1. Mission and Goals:
   • The CoE, founded in 1949, brings together 46 member states with a combined population of approximately 675 million as of 2023.
   • Its primary objectives include promoting:
     • Human Rights: Ensuring respect for fundamental rights and freedoms.
     • Democracy: Supporting democratic institutions and practices.
     • Rule of Law: Upholding legal principles and justice.
2. Distinct from the European Union (EU):
   • Although often confused with the EU, the CoE serves a different purpose.
   • No country has ever joined the EU without first belonging to the CoE.
   • The CoE focuses on broader European cooperation beyond economic integration.
3. Key Bodies within the CoE:
   • European Court of Human Rights (ECHR):
     • Operates based on the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) of 1953.
     • Individuals can bring cases against member states for human rights violations.
   • Committee of Ministers:
     • Comprises foreign ministers from each member state.
     • Coordinates policies and monitors compliance with CoE agreements.
   • Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE):
     • Composed of national parliamentarians from member states.
     • Discusses and debates various issues, including human rights and democracy.
   • Commissioner for Human Rights:
     • Promotes awareness of and respect for human rights within member states.
4. Role in International Agreements:
   • The CoE cannot make laws but can advocate for the enforcement of select international agreements.
   • It provides a platform for member states to collaborate on legal, cultural, and social matters.
   • The CoE is an official United Nations Observer.
5. Zangezur Corridor and Gazakh Conflict:
   • The CoE can facilitate dialogue and promote adherence to international conventions.
   • It encourages peaceful resolution of territorial disputes.
   • Azerbaijan’s willingness to compensate the Karabakhis aligns with CoE principles of human rights and reconciliation,i.e. Aliev is conscious about he is committing ethnic cleansing. Like in Kosovo, this pits Islam against Christianity.

In summary, the CoE serves as a vital forum for European nations to address shared challenges, protect human rights, and foster cooperation. Its work extends beyond economic considerations, emphasizing values that contribute to a stable and just Europe. The Council of Europe is still to pronounce itself on the dispute. Apparently the organisations’ General-secretary prefers to hub-nub with leaders. Do you have an opinion about that ?

What is the role of the BSEC ?

The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) emerged as a distinctive and promising model of multilateral political and economic collaboration. It was established through the Istanbul Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement, signed by the Heads of State and Government of the countries in the region on June 25, 1992. The organization aims to foster cooperation and development in the Black Sea region.

During the Turkish presidency, the BSEC has indeed witnessed efforts to enhance its role and impact. Turkey has actively supported initiatives aimed at ensuring peace and prosperity in the Black Sea area. President Erdoğan emphasized Turkey’s commitment to this cause during the 25th Anniversary Summit of the BSEC Heads of State and Government, where he stated that turning the BSEC into a worldwide organization is a collective achievement of its member states.

However, it’s essential to recognize that the BSEC faces challenges due to political disputes among some member states. These disagreements can hinder the organization’s effectiveness. President Erdoğan has emphasized the need to utilize the BSEC as a tool for problem-solving, avoiding unproductive political debates.

Regarding the situation in Gazakh, it’s crucial to consider diplomatic mediation. Comanescu, as a potential mediator, could play a significant role in facilitating dialogue between the parties involved. Turkey’s support for Gazakh underscores its interest in regional stability and cooperation. A diplomatic approach, backed by both Turkey and Comanescu, may contribute to finding peaceful solutions and promoting mutual understanding.

In summary, the BSEC’s authority has indeed been strengthened during the Turkish BSEC presidency, and diplomatic efforts, including mediation by Comanescu, could be valuable in addressing regional challenges. More could be done to strengthen the BSEC ahead of the policy review of the EU’s fledlging Black Sea strategy, which is not a mere prolongation of Turkey’s equivocation between Ukraine and Russia.

Peace and reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey could contribute to both unblocking the stalled negotiations betwen Azerbaijan and Armenia, and be conducive to a strengthening of the BSEC as a prealable to the forging of a unit in the EEAS endowed with more means to better lubricate the policy-machinery vis-a-vis the EU’s sub-regionals, included the BSEC. We want European policies not bilateral ones led by France, Germany and Turkey onto which scarce funds and disparate projects are grafted. I might add, while the Eu’s strategy towards the Middle East is not as comprehensive as I personally could wish for, the European Union have an inherent interest in a stable Middle East satisfying our energy supply interests and keeping Israel safe and secure. That is also to say, we are not into tripwires of the wrong sort and of tempting Teheran beyond reason in order to justify regional war for the tactical purpose of playing people out against each other at the expense of the Palestinean’s legitimate interests. Policy right now is to contain wider conflict through coordinated action in Gaza and the South Caucasus. Stronger and better coordination should follow. I note UNSCR2272 is sufficiently broad to allow for offensive action act against both challenges to peace and security and threats to navigational safety, athough it is unclear to which extent the force packages and will of the naval commandars and participating states in Operation Propserity Guardian and in the EU’s Aspidis are robust enough to weigh in on wider regional concerns to ensure effective crisis management.

In addition, better coordination between EUSR Klar and Turkey behind the scenes to steer a series of bilateral negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Moscow, Istanbul , Bucuresti, Paris and Bruxelles might come handy.

Having said that, I agree with that the EU and the US positions are converging on Iran, even if we dont have identical interests. The US want to prevent two-front war, the EU to deter authoritarian states from coalescing. The US is interested in shaping an international environment in the Middle East conducive to peace and the accession of Turkey to EU, while the EU is not curently capable of much more than enabling stabilisation and at the same time have interests of its own that are more intensive due to geography and its enlargement strategy. This begs the question: Should the EU and Israel talk more together about post-war security architectures and in whose peace a limited strike could be conducted after all avenues have been exhausted for the creation of a stable regional order, disrupted by the Iranian revolution and made worse by the Iraq war ?

https://www.echr.coe.int/documents/d/echr/guidelines_p16_eng

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2023/747919/EPRS_BRI(2023)747919_EN.pdf

https://www.dailysabah.com/politics/diplomacy/armenia-ready-for-full-normalization-with-turkiye-political-will-needed

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9368688/

The report, prepared by rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt, Sven Simon, Gabriele Bischoff, Daniel Freund, and Helmut Scholz, aims to reshape the European Union (EU) by enhancing its capacity to act and improving its democratic legitimacy and accountability. Key proposals include:

1. European Constitution: The report advocates for a new European Constitution that consolidates existing treaties and clarifies the EU’s fundamental principles.
2. Citizens’ Participation: To enhance democratic representation, the report suggests introducing elections of the President of the European Commission by popular vote and creating a European Electoral Authority.
3. European Senate: The establishment of a European Senate, representing member states, would strengthen the EU’s legislative process.
4. European Public Prosecutor’s Office: The report proposes expanding the powers of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office to combat cross-border crime effectively.
5. European Armed Forces: It recommends creating a European Armed Forces to enhance security and defense cooperation.
6. Social Rights: The report emphasizes social rights, including a European minimum wage and improved labor standards.
7. Climate Action: The EU should lead in climate action, with binding targets and a European Climate Pact.
8. Digital Sovereignty: The report calls for digital sovereignty, protecting citizens’ data and promoting European tech innovation.
9. EU Budget: The report suggests a more flexible EU budget, allowing for strategic investments.
10. EU Enlargement: The report addresses the accession process for new member states.

https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E

https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2023-0337_EN.html

Germany has conditioned its support for harmonizing the debt calendars in the eurozone around Italian, French, and German benchmarks, administered by a debt management office in the ECB, on reducing the debt pile in the Member States. Berlin has not publicly stated the purpose of tying its hands, although Lindner has signaled progress on shared goals in EU is contingent on the EU getting its act together. We now have a Franco-German agreement that the foundation of the EU must become more solid for the EU to enlarge, and that the harmonization of debt calendars flanked  by an EU-tax serving a variety of public policy purposes form part of that. It is uncontroversial, this common understanding clinched the deal between Paris and Berlin to move forward on EU Treaty reforms in two steps: the IGC25 via the simple 20method13, and in 2030, more likely than not based on a convention.

Subsequently, a few craven commissioners demanded more money for the executive in the making without considering how to accommodate German desires and addressing the need for a balanced solution at various levels. Lurking beneath all this is a  political conflict around to which degree Germany is entitled to cash in Europe continuously – Germany will both pay the most and benefit the most from a harmonization of det issuance calendars – or whether a more stable Treaty framework enshrining the desired political order in Europe should be identified, as the EU moves from wealth to power.

• Harmonisation of the debt issuance calendars in the eurozone means that the member states would coordinate their timing and frequency of issuing sovereign bonds, as well as the maturity and size of their debt instruments. This could potentially reduce the fragmentation and volatility of the euro area bond market, increase the liquidity and transparency of the debt securities, and lower the borrowing costs for the member states
• Germany has been a strong advocate of fiscal discipline and debt reduction in the eurozone, especially after the sovereign debt crisis that affected several countries in the periphery. Germany has also been one of the primary beneficiaries of the low interest rates and the haven status of its bonds, which have allowed it to finance its public spending at very favorable conditions
• Germany’s support for harmonizing the debt issuance calendars is conditional on the other member states, especially Italy and France, reducing their debt levels and complying with the fiscal rules of the EU. Germany argues that this is necessary to ensure the stability and credibility of the euro area and to avoid moral hazard and free-riding by the high-debt countries.
• The idea of linking the harmonization of the debt issuance calendars to the debt reduction of the member states is inspired by the 2007 article by Professor Cohen, who argued in RIPE that the enlargement of the EU and the eurozone would pose a challenge to the international role of the euro, as the new members would have different interests and priorities, and would dilute the coherence and effectiveness of the monetary union. Cohen suggested that the eurozone should adopt a common debt management strategy, based on a set of benchmarks and incentives, to enhance the attractiveness and competitiveness of the euro as a global currency.
• The feasibility of grafting this idea onto the German state strategy depends on several factors, such as the political will and consensus among the member states, the legal and institutional framework of the EU and the eurozone, the economic and financial situation of the member states, and the external shocks and pressures that may affect the euro area.

Some possible challenges and obstacles are:

• The lack of trust and solidarity among the member states, especially between the core and the periphery, may hinder the cooperation and coordination on debt issuance and management.
• The resistance and opposition from some member states, especially Italy and France, may perceive the German conditionality as an infringement on their fiscal sovereignty and a threat to their growth and welfare objectives.
• The legal and institutional constraints that may limit the scope and flexibility of the harmonization of the debt issuance calendars, such as the no-bailout clause, the prohibition of monetary financing, and the subsidiarity principle
• The economic and financial uncertainties and risks may affect some member states’ debt sustainability and market access, such as the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the geopolitical tensions with Russia and China, and the potential spillovers from the US fiscal and monetary policies.
• The benchmarks that may be used for the strategy development within the domain in sectoral terms could include the following indicators:
  • The debt-to-GDP ratio measures the overall level of public debt relative to the size of the economy. The EU fiscal rules set a reference value of 60% for this indicator and require the member states to reduce their excess debt at an average rate of one-twentieth per year
  • The primary balance measures the difference between the government revenues and expenditures, excluding the interest payments on the debt. This indicator reflects the fiscal effort and adjustment of the government and affects the dynamics of the debt-to-GDP ratio
  • The average maturity measures the weighted average time until the repayment of the debt’s principal. This indicator reflects the rollover and refinancing risk of the debt and affects the sensitivity of the debt service to the interest rate changes
  • The average cost measures the weighted average interest rate paid on the outstanding debt. affecting the debt service’s affordability and sustainability.

• A possible policy framework for the temporary reduction of the debt pile in the eurozone member states until the harmonization of debt calendars takes effect at the considerable bang enlargement in 2030 could involve the following elements:

• A binding and credible commitment by the member states to reduce their debt-to-GDP ratios to below 60% by 2030 or to converge to a lower target if their initial debt levels are too high. This could be enforced by the EU fiscal rules and the European Commission and supported by the European Stability Mechanism and the Recovery and Resilience Facility.
• A gradual and differentiated adjustment of the member states’ primary balances, considering their cyclical and structural positions, their growth and inflation prospects, and their social and political constraints. This could be coordinated by the European Semester and the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure and guided by the Stability and Growth Pact and the Medium-Term Budgetary Objectives.
• A coordinated and diversified extension of the average debt maturities by the member states, taking advantage of the low-interest rate environment and the high demand for safe assets. This could be facilitated by the ECB’s monetary policy and asset purchase programs and by the development of a common safe asset, such as the European bonds issued by the Next Generation EU fund.
• A joint and competitive reduction of the average debt costs by the member states, taking advantage of harmonizing the debt issuance calendars and integrating the euro area bond market. This could be achieved by the improvement of the credit ratings and the market access of the member states and by the enhancement of the liquidity and transparency of the debt securities¹²

• The pros and cons of harnessing the policy framework for the stabilization of indebtedness of the European nation-state versus the financing of the European welfare state and how it might be used to strengthen the European economy and the EU are:
  • The pros are:
    • It would reduce the member states’ fiscal vulnerabilities and debt sustainability risks and increase their fiscal space and resilience to future shocks.
    • It would enhance the credibility and stability of the euro area and foster confidence and trust among the member states and the markets.
    • It would improve the efficiency and integration of the euro area bond market and boost the attractiveness and competitiveness of the euro as a global currency.
    • It would create positive spillovers and externalities for the European economy and the EU, such as lower borrowing costs, higher investment, more vigorous growth, and deeper cooperation.
  • The cons are:
    • It would entail significant fiscal costs and adjustment efforts for the member states and potentially affect their growth and welfare objectives¹¹¹²
    • It would require high coordination and solidarity among the member states and potentially infringe on their fiscal sovereignty and national preferences.
    • It would expose the member states to common shocks and contagion risks, potentially creating moral hazard and free-riding problems.
    • It would face legal and institutional challenges and constraints, potentially generating political and social resistance and backlash.
• The historical role of indebtedness in state-building is a complex and contested topic, but some possible points are:
  • Indebtedness has been a critical factor in the emergence and development of the modern state, as it enabled the state to mobilize resources and finance its activities, especially war and public goods provision.
  • Indebtedness has also been a source of conflict and crisis for the state, as it constrained the state’s fiscal capacity and legitimacy, exposing it to the pressures and demands of its domestic and foreign creditors.
  • Indebtedness has shaped the evolution and transformation of the state, as it influenced its institutional and constitutional arrangements, its relations with other states and actors, and its role and functions in society and the economy.

• How do the mountains of debts in the world economy matter?

Global debt is the combined borrowing by governments, businesses, and people. It has reached a record level of $307 trillion in 2023, according to the Institute of International Finance. This matters for two reasons: first, high debt levels imply more state interference in the economy and higher taxes in the future; second, debt must be rolled over at regular intervals, which creates a risk of default or crisis if creditors lose confidence or demand higher interest rates.

• Discuss the level of indebtedness in the US, the EU, and China and how it affects growth prospects.

The US, the EU, and China are the three largest economies in the world, and their debt levels vary significantly. The US has the highest debt in dollar terms, at $29.46 trillion, which is 123.28% of its GDP³. The EU has a debt of $15.8 trillion, which is 90.9% of its GDP. China has a debt of $10.12 trillion, which is 68.06% of its GDP. High debt levels can hamper growth by crowding out private investment, increasing borrowing costs, and reducing fiscal space for stimulus or social spending. However, some debt can also support growth by financing public goods, infrastructure, and innovation. The impact of debt on growth depends on factors such as the composition, maturity, and cost of debt and the credibility and effectiveness of fiscal and monetary policies.

• When does the mountain of debt and debt projections become unsustainable?

There is no clear-cut threshold for debt sustainability, as it depends on the ability and willingness of a country to service its debt obligations. However, some indicators that can signal debt distress include a rising debt-to-GDP ratio, a large and persistent fiscal deficit, a high share of foreign currency or short-term debt, a low level of international reserves, a weak banking system, and a loss off market access, and a deterioration of growth prospects.

• Are there historical precedents for systemic crashes?

There have been several episodes of systemic crashes in history, usually triggered by a combination of economic, financial, political, and social factors. Some examples are the Great Depression of the 1930s, the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s, the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s, the global financial crisis of 2007-2009, and the European sovereign debt crisis of 2010-2012. These crises had severe and lasting consequences for the affected countries and regions and spillover effects for the rest of the world.

• How does the IMF come into play?

The IMF is an international organization that promotes global economic stability and cooperation. It plays a crucial role in the global debt crisis by providing financial assistance, policy advice, and technical support to countries facing balance of payments or debt problems. The IMF also conducts regular surveillance and analysis of the global economy and the debt situation of its member countries. The IMF can help prevent or resolve debt crises by facilitating debt relief, restructuring, or refinancing and promoting sound macroeconomic and structural policies.

• Is there reason to be worried about the situation in the US, EU, and China?

There is reason to be concerned, but not to panic, about the debt situation in the US, EU, and China. These economies face different challenges and opportunities and have different policy tools and buffers to cope. The US has the advantage of issuing the world’s reserve currency, which gives it more fiscal and monetary flexibility, but it also faces political polarization, social inequality, and rising inflation. The EU benefits from a large and integrated market but suffers from institutional fragmentation, slow growth, and low inflation. China has the potential of a dynamic and innovative economy but also faces structural imbalances, environmental degradation, and geopolitical tensions. All three economies must address their debt vulnerabilities and pursue reforms to enhance their resilience and sustainability.

• What elements of a growth strategy and the policy architecture are necessary to make it work at the EU and member state levels?

According to the European Commission, the EU growth strategy for the next decade should be based on the following priorities:

• Achieving the green and digital transitions, which are essential for enhancing the EU’s competitiveness, sustainability, and resilience
• Strengthening the social and economic cohesion and convergence among the member states, regions, and citizens
• Increasing the EU’s strategic autonomy and openness in the global arena by promoting a level playing field, fair trade, and multilateral cooperation

To implement this strategy, the EU and the member states need to work together and coordinate their policies, investments, and reforms in line with the common objectives and values of the EU.

Elements:

• A coherent and consistent use of the EU recovery funds, which amount to 750 billion euros and are designed to support the green and digital transitions and the recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic
• A revision and simplification of the EU fiscal rules, which should ensure budgetary sustainability, flexibility, and transparency, as well as incentivize public investment and structural reforms
• A reinforcement of the EU economic governance, which should foster policy dialogue, peer review, and mutual learning among the member states, as well as enhance the role of the European Semester as a tool for monitoring and guiding the implementation of the EU growth strategy
• A development and integration of the EU capital markets, banking, and fiscal unions, which should improve the financing and diversification of the EU economy, as well as the stability and resilience of the euro area
• A deepening and completion of the EU single market, which should remove barriers and create opportunities for businesses and consumers, as well as foster innovation and digitalization
• A strengthening and modernization of the EU industrial and digital policies, which should support the competitiveness and transformation of the EU industry, as well as the development and deployment of critical technologies and infrastructures
• A promotion and protection of the EU social rights and values, which should ensure fair and inclusive growth, as well as the participation and empowerment of all citizens, especially the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups
• A design and implementation of the EU green deal, which should lead the EU to climate neutrality by 2050, as well as enhance the environmental quality and circularity of the EU economy
• How to move from a tightly-knit growth strategy to a European political economy and onward European capitalism with its objectives and values? What are PE’s and capitalism’s next steps and elements with its goals and values?

The Draghi report is a document that will be prepared by former Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, who was asked by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to advise the bloc on boosting its competitiveness. The report is expected to be delivered later in 2024.

Evaluation: The Draghi report is a welcome initiative that can set the tone and parameters for the EU’s growth strategy for the next decade. It can also provide valuable input for revising and simplifying the EU fiscal rules by 2024. The report can benefit from Draghi’s experience and expertise as a former central banker, economist, and politician, as well as his reputation and credibility in the EU and beyond. However, the report also faces some challenges and limitations, such as:

• The complexity and diversity of the EU economy, which requires a nuanced and balanced analysis of the different sectors, regions, and stakeholders involved
• The uncertainty and volatility of the global environment, which poses risks and opportunities for the EU’s competitiveness but also makes it difficult to predict and plan for the future
• The political and institutional constraints, which may limit the scope and feasibility of the report’s recommendations, especially if they require treaty changes, legislative reforms, or budgetary adjustments
• The potential resistance or opposition from some member states, industries, or interest groups, who may have different views or preferences on the EU’s economic policies and priorities

• Improvements: The Draghi report can be improved by taking into account the following suggestions:
  • The report should be based on a comprehensive and evidence-based assessment of the EU’s strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats, using relevant data, indicators, and benchmarks
  • The report should be aligned with and supportive of the EU’s existing objectives and values, such as the green and digital transitions, the social and economic cohesion, and the strategic autonomy
  • The report should be realistic, pragmatic, ambitious, and visionary, proposing concrete and actionable measures to make a difference in the EU’s short-, medium–, and long-term competitiveness.
  • The report should be inclusive and participatory, involving a broad and diverse range of stakeholders, such as the EU institutions, the member states, the regions, the social partners, the civil society, and the academia.
  • The report should be transparent and communicative, using simple and accessible language and highlighting the main messages, findings, and recommendations.

The European political economy studies the interaction between politics and economics in the EU and how they affect the process and outcomes of European integration. It covers EU economic governance, the single market, industrial and digital policies, and strategic autonomy. A European capitalism with its objectives and values would imply a shared vision and a coherent framework for the EU’s economic and social development based on principles such as democracy, solidarity, sustainability, and competitiveness. Some of the elements that could contribute to this goal are:

• A fiscal union, which would entail a common budget, a common debt instrument, and a common fiscal authority for the euro area, as well as a harmonization of tax policies and coordination of budgetary stances across the EU
• A banking union, which would entail a single supervisory mechanism, a single resolution mechanism, and a standard deposit insurance scheme for the euro area banks, as well as a reduction of risks and completion of the banking integration across the EU
• A capital markets union, which would entail a harmonization of rules and standards, removal of barriers, and creation of opportunities for cross-border investments and financing across the EU, as well as diversification and deepening of the EU capital markets
• A social union, which would entail a reinforcement of the social dimension of the EU, an implementation of the European Pillar of Social Rights, and the creation of a social protection floor for all EU citizens, as well as a promotion of social dialogue and participation across the EU
• A green deal, which would entail a comprehensive and ambitious plan to achieve the EU’s climate and environmental objectives, mobilization of public and private resources for green investments and innovation, and the creation of a just transition fund to support the most affected regions and sectors, as well as leadership and cooperation of the EU in the global climate action
• A digital agenda, which would entail the development and implementation of a common digital strategy, the creation of a digital single market, and support for the digital transformation of the EU economy and society, as well as protection and empowerment of the EU citizens’ digital rights and freedoms
• A trade and investment policy, which would entail a definition and promotion of the EU’s interests and values in the global arena, negotiation and enforcement of fair and balanced trade and investment agreements, and support for the multilateral trading system and the reform of the World Trade Organization, as well as diversification and resilience of the EU’s external supply chains and partnerships

The following steps to move from a growth strategy to a political economy and onwards to a European capitalism with its own objectives and values would require a strong political will and commitment from the EU institutions and the member states and a broad and inclusive consultation and dialogue with the EU citizens and stakeholders. It would also require a revision and adaptation of the EU treaties and legislation and mobilization and allocation of the EU resources and instru-ments to reflect and support the EU’s common vision and framework.

As you may discern, a difficult balancing act is ahead, however, difficult it is to comprehend in the peripheries of Europe and in the suburbs of the world. This does entail rewarding  the human who makes a difference and makes France and Germany cohere notwithstanding female transgressions, exploitation and slavery, and forms of abuse of power.

• Ilce dixit assisted by copilot

https://tidsskrift.dk/scandinavian_political_studies/article/download/32878/31205?inline=1

https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/106331/1/MPRA_paper_106331.pdf

https://www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/pdf/other/ecb.advisoryreportdebtissuancedistributionEU202112~3da04b818a.en.pdf?870da74a004a2132cbe89914ef853ad4

https://www.intereconomics.eu/contents/year/2020/number/3/article/a-european-mechanism-for-the-issuance-and-initial-distribution-of-debt-securities.html

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/167/the-enlargement-of-the-union

https://www.routledge.com/How-Worlds-Collapse-What-History-Systems-and-Complexity-Can-Teach-Us/Centeno-Callahan-Larcey-Patterson/p/book/9781032363219

https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-17203-8_43

https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2021/12/global-debt-record-226-trillion-public-private/

https://www.worldbank.org/en/events/2021/11/05/live-debt-transparency-in-developing-economies

https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WP/Issues/2022/12/03/Fiscal-Crises-The-Role-of-the-Public-Debt-Investor-Base-and-Domestic-Financial-Markets-as-526307

https://www.business-standard.com/world-news/imf-predicts-china-to-witness-economic-decline-over-next-4-years-report-124020301119_1.html

https://www.eurochambres.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/230918-SOTEU-2023-Article-1.pdf

https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/eu-head-asks-draghi-advise-bloc-boosting-competitiveness-2023-09-13/

I et digt skriver Paul Celan, den tysk-sprogede rumænsk-jødisk forfatter:

So leg das Laub Zusammen mit Den Seelen. Schwing leicht den Hammer und verhüll das Angesicht.

Krön mit den Schlägen, die dem Herzen fehlen.

Den Ritter, der mit Fernen Mühlen ficht.

Es sind nur Wolken, die er nicht ertrug.

Doch klirrt sein Herz von einem Engelschritte.

Ich kränze leise, was er nicht zersclug:

Die rote Schranke und die Schwarze Mitte.

Oversat til dansk betyder det:

Så sæt bladene sammen med sjælene.

Sving Hammeren let og dæk dit ansigt.

Kron med de slag, der rammer hjertet.

Ridderen, der kæmper med fjerne Møller.

De er bare skyer, som han ikke kan bære.

Men hans hjerte varsler med engleskridt.

Hvad han ikke ødelagde.

Den  røde barriere og den sorte Midte.

Paul Celan repræsenterer for mig det gamle og komplekse Europa. Han var født i Bukowina og voksede op i Cernauti nord for klostrene og ikke langt fra Slot Hotyn og Kaminski-Podolski. Her kan man endnu i dag høre Klezmer-musik, når Czernowitzer kommer på besøg til hjemegnen.

Celan er kendt for digte som Todesfuge og Sand fra Urnerne.

Celan skrev sine digte på tysk og anses i dag for en af de største tysk-sprogede digtere. Celans poesi er karakteriseret ved en kompliceret og kryptisk stil, der afviger fra poesis konventioner. Selv havde Celan som vist mange rumænere et sind, der bestod af polære modsætninger, som han skrev sig ud af og samlet sammen ved hjælp af sin digtning.

Jeg er født og opvokset i Danmark og føler mig som dansk-europæer. Jeg forstår udmærket både dansk lune og underfundighed.

Efter års ufrivillig og tvungen medicinering, som for størstedelens vedkommende blev mig pånøden grundet systemets forbudte retsfølelse i forlængelse af Danny Yatoms intervention i Paris og Rom som følge af drabet på fem israelere i  Burgos orkestreret af PET eller i det midste med viden om miljøet  i Odense hvori oppen blev tilrettelagt, en statsforbrydelse der modsvarer en inkohærent kombi-forbrydelse, der falder under Straffelovens § 81 , stk.1 og 5  , som Ombudsmanden respekterer. Det skal sammenholdes med Helle Thornings intervention og disciplinering af de fitløbende politiagenter i Cirkus Buddinge. Der var også en fransk-jødisk  frøken Smillas fornemmelser for hvad der er rigtigt for mennesket.

Jeg er nu tilbage. Jeg dyrker ikke så meget sport længere, men det bør jeg måske tage op påny. Jeg har i dag genfundet arbejds-glæden og fuld af kreatitvitet og effektivitet. Jeg er en do’er og en problemløser. Eller som Picasso udtalte: ”Lær reglerne som en Pro. Bryd dem som en kunstner”.

Mine interesser forbliver: at finde et job der svarer til mine kvalifikationer og at finde en kæreste.

Det er den gamle traver med at se splinten i sit medmenenskes øjne, men ikke bjælken i panden på sig selv, jeg hentyder til. Skam over den mand, der søger at vaske sine synder af på sin kvinde.

Med hensyn til min sving-om hos De Radikale så har den 90% at gøre med Karen Melchiors politik og person, og 10% med at Ellen Trane fandt en anden. Og min tilbagevenden til folden med Venstres politik, min frihedstrang, erfaringer og venskaber fra studenterpolitik, min kamp-gejst og pro-europæiske indstilling.

For så vidt angår den af mig forslået øvre grænse på EU-budgettet på 7%, så ved jeg ikke hvor ideen hertil kom, men det er rigtigt at Werner-rapporten i sin tid forudså behovet for budget-buffere, da man i halvfjerdserne diskuterede en monetær union i Europa. National-staten er i dag blevet for lille de store udfordringer, og for stor til de små opgaver. Jeg anser før som nu Cedermans tese som en spændende teori om forandring, hvor stats-dannelse kædes sammen med rovdyrs-frekvenser i det internationale system eller i Europas omgivelser i kontekst med alliancer og defensive teknologier. Den forekom mig dog upraktisk, manipulerende og ikke tilstrækkeligt handlings-orienteret, uanset dens humanistiske sigte og kognitions-orienteret tilgang.

I romanen Gullivers rejse, skrevet af Johnatan Swift, en engelsk kirug og sømand, følger vi hovedpersonens Lemuel Gulliver på sin rejse til Stillehavet ombord på skibet Antelope. Skibet forliser, og da Gulliver vågner på land, er han alene og fastspændt til jorden. Han er taget til fange af lilleputanerne! Lilleputanerne er så små, at der skal 1000 af deres stærkeste  mænd, til at få Gulliver løftet op på en særlig vogn, som skal transportere ham til hovedstaden. Da de slipper ham løs, er det udelukkened fordi, at han skal hjælpe lilleputanerne mod Kejseren af Blefusco, der vil tage magten i landet. Gulliver er en stor hjælp for lilleputterne, særligt da slottet brænder, og han tisser på  flammerne. Men mange lilleputter vil af med ham bla. fordi han spiser for meget.Gulliver flygter og rejser tilbage til England på  et fragtskib. Men han overmandes snart af udlængsel og ganske som på lilleputternes ø kommer Gulliver ud for de mest forunderlige ting på sin færd til Brodingnag, Laputa og Houhnms. Romanen er en satirisk kommentar til Swifts samtid og kritiserer blandt andet politik, religion og menneskelig natur. I romanen hedder det: ”Jeg blev også lært op i at skyde med bue og pil, og jeg blev så god til det, at jeg kunne ramme en due på 50 yards”. Romanen er filmati-seret, en flim jeg kan anbefale. Den rummer mange morsomme scener.

Selv har jeg nu svært ved at se komikken i situationen.

Sikkert og vist er det, at en pil finder sit mål. Spørgsmålet er, hvordan og hvorfor. Ja engang råbte demonstranterne under skyggen af Frauenkirche i Dredsen: Wir sind ein Volk. I dag siger vi i kor: Vi er europæere.

Jeg skal samtidigt benytte lejligheden til at rette en varm tak til mine jødiske frænder for tidligt at have set potentialet i mig, og for trofast at forsvare Vesten og Europa og heppe på EU’s fremgang og vækst. Magen til mod og, generøsitet og broderskab skal man lede længe efter. Der findes et lille folk, og en stor sag. For hvad der fremmer det enkelte menneskes sag går gerne i spænd med Europas værdier og verdens interesser: Toda raba Israel!

I øvrigt mener jeg, at Iran , dette uforbederlige krigerfolk  med en imperialistisk mission  iklædt islamistiske gevandter og støttet af kampagner og ugudelige trosfæller, skal bombes tilbage til stenalderen. På godt dansk Iran, denne spoiler par excellence, trænger til en røvfuld.

Endelig vil jeg gerne minde min humoristiske bedstemor, Trudel Martens her på falderebet. I hendes sommerhus i Løkkeby på Langeland havde hun et skilt på toiletdøren, hvor der stor: ”Mennesket har muligheder for mange glæder uden tal, den vigtigste er at kunne når man skal”.

Om Tyskland formår at frelse Europa, og Frankrig at indvie EU ved jeg ikke, men uden kærlighed og kildevand duer helten ikke.

Design er af de store koncepter indenfor Renæssancens  kunstteori. Det betyder på engang design og projekt, opridsning af kontur og intention. Ordet beskriver således en eminent intellektuel aktivitet og har en dobbeltbundethed i sin oprindelige betydning. I maleriet er design det, der modsætter sig farve, og sidenhen bliver design (disegno) tilknyttet formen, til konceptet og fremfor alt ideen med henblik på at udvikle en kunstteori. Dette resulterer i en transformation af ideen til et ideal, som har sit filosofiske ophav  i Platon, der associerer ideer med formen og figurer som en præekstisterende indre  model der går forud for dens realisering.

I 1677 udtaler Michel Auguier i det kongelige franske akademi sig om maleriet og skulpturen: Det store design er en ild, som belyser forståelsen, varmer viljen, styrker erindringen, renser ånderne, for at gennemtrænge forestillingsevnen”.

Indenfor management-skolen er det i moderne tid Henry Mintzberg, der har gjort mest ud af beskrive design-skolen med ophav i Selznik og Chandlers teroretiseren om at bringe organisationens distinkte kompetence i harmoni sammen med organisationens indre stadie og de eksterne forventninger i omgivelserne. De argumenterer for at indbygge policy ind i organisaitonens sociale struktur, dvs gennem implementering af strategeien. Chandler forbandt design-skolens begreb om forretnignsstrategi med dens forbindelse til strukturen. I sin bog Strategy Safari beskriver Mintzberg således design-skolens opfattelse af strategi-processen som en konceptions-proces med indre vurdering af styrker og svagheder og eksterne vurdering af trusler og muligheder, dinstinkte kompetencer og nøgle succesfaktorer. Hermed skabes strategien sammenholdt med omgivelsernes fornemmelse for socialt ansvarlighed og leder-værdier. Der vælges strategi og evalueres på strategier, hvorefter den skal implementeres. Design-skolen antager, at strategen er nærmest alviden og alemn respekteret som sådan af alle i organisationen.

Koldings motto er: sammen designer vi livet . Det hedder på hjmmesiden. ”Visionen er vores pejlemærke for fremtiden og skal sikre en klar og visionær retning for hele Kolding Kommune. : ”Med visionen har vi som kommune et særligt fokus på ”at lykkes sammen”! Sammen med borgere, sammen med virksomheder og sammen med lokale aktører, der bidrager til en bæredygtig udvikling af vores fælles lokalområde” (https://www.kolding.dk/om-kommunen/designvisionen/)

Design i hele Kolding Kommune

• er nærværende
• kan ses og mærkes
• gør en forskel”

Det er vedtaget, at der skal indføres en visions-dreven ledelsesform, og at by- og udviklingsforvaltningen skal lægges sammen med fællesforvaltningen, som om Designby Kolding har opslugt forvaltningen, før Merete Dissing har fået ytret: I want it all.

Whole-of-government skolen er en tilgang til offentlig forvaltning, der søger at fremme horisontal integration og samarbejde mellem forskellige sektorer, niveauer og aktører i den offentlige sektor. Hovedantagelserne bag denne skole er, at:

• Offentlige problemer er komplekse og kræver tværgående løsninger, der involverer flere politikområder og interessenter.
• Offentlige organisationer er fragmenterede og siloiserede, hvilket hindrer effektiv koordination og kommunikation
• Offentlige ledere skal have kompetencer og incitamenter til at arbejde på tværs af grænser og skabe fælles mål og visioner.

Nogle af styrkerne ved whole-of-government skolen er, at den kan:

• Forbedre kvaliteten og relevansen af offentlige ydelser og politikker ved at tilpasse dem til borgernes behov og forventninger.
• Øge den offentlige sektors kapacitet til at håndtere komplekse og tværgående udfordringer, såsom klimaændringer, social ulighed og sikkerhed.
• Fremme innovation og læring i den offentlige sektor ved at udnytte viden og ressourcer fra forskellige kilder og perspektiver.

Nogle af svaghederne ved whole-of-government skolen er, at den kan:

• Skabe rollekonflikter og ansvarsforvirring mellem forskellige aktører og niveauer i den offentlige sektor.
• Reducere den demokratiske ansvarlighed og gennemsigtighed i den offentlige forvaltning ved at øge magten hos ikke-valgte embedsmænd og eksterne partnere.
• Medføre øgede omkostninger og transaktionsomkostninger ved at kræve mere koordination, kommunikation og konsensus.

Det er helt fint, at Kolding Kommune bliver mere resultatorienterede på udvalgte indikatorer såsom det Regionale Competetiveness Index, men det forudsætter at Regionen spiller med, at deltager-demokratiet fungerer og interkationsmønstrene er mere åbne, og at organisationen er reelt funktionelt integreret . Den visions-drevne ledelsesform bør udnyttes til at lave en årsberetning omfattende aktiviteter, evaluering af effekter af poltikker og strategier, performance kontrol, politik-udvikling, og anvendelsen af indikatorer samt spørgeskemaer sammenholdt med borger-tilfredshedsundersøgelser. På det grundlag kan byrådet tage stilling til, hvordan landet ligger og hvor der skal sættes ind i det bæredygtige samfund. Ellers har ræven ingen hale og der bliver tale om gammel vin på ny flaske og et slaraffenland for alvidende instititutoner, der brander sig uden at integrere sig og være ansvarlige.

Kolding trænger både til ro til at gro, og til handlings-orienteret strategier. Vi skal alle være glade for, at der findes kvinder med bukserne på, og hjertet på rette sted. Når jeg går rundt og taler med folk, siger de handlende i gågaden, at Kolding er en uddannelsesby, den unge kvinde på caféen stirrer med triste øjne blindt ud af vinduet, den gamle erfarne driftige mand, født og opvokset i Kolding, at der er kedeligt og ikke sker en skid i byen. I Haderslev ser de op til Kolding og forventer at vi leder. I Vejle trækker de på skulderen, men hvor godt samarbejder vi egentligt i Trekantsområdet ?

Kolding har et stort potentiale, og kan udvikle sig i de kommende år til en fremgangsrig og dynamisk dansk-nordisk-europæisk provinsby, til Sydjyllands hovedstad. Det kræver at alle trækker på samme hammel, og beslutter sig for,at det skal være løgn, at man ikke skyer sammenligninger og konkurrence, lærer af hinanden og støtter hinanden som led i en fremadskuende plan forenet med skridtvise , samordnet og integrerede tilgange. Det er endeligt vigtigt ikke at lukke sig ind i en niche,og kunstigt begrænse sit perspektiv, og tro at læring ikke er en del af livet i institutionerne samt at være ærlig om mulighederne og forhindringerne i sit strategi-budskab, og hvordan og hvorfor Kolding skal komme frem i skoen.

Der er bred folkelig opbakning til at Kolding skal videre, og at Borgmester Langhoff er en flink mand. Han ønsker på engang at akkomodere modstanden mod forandringer i Kolding, og at søge tilgivelse hos den borgerlige lejr. Og det er er jo altsammen meget menneskeligt. Men det duer altså ikke med en leder, der ikke vil noget og som hverken coacher, sætter retning, delegerer eller støtter. En leder skulle gerne belønne dem, der gør en forskel, forbinde strategi med organisatorisk struktur, overse arbejdsdeling og integration af indsatser og integrere tidssvarende interaktionsmønstre i organisationen, skabe relationer og tage sig af organisationen, kontrollere fordelingen af midler, kommunikere udadtil og skabe forpligtelse langs kurven af kontaktskabelse, bevidsthed, forståelse, afprøvning, begrænset tilegnelse og institutionalisering.

Vi ser endelig frem til, at Kolding bliver til en designby med smag for malerier og skulpturer samt urban wall art, herunder en digital en af slagsen som i Helsingborg.

https://streetartcities.com/cities/helsingborg

https://www.easyjet.com/ejcms/cache/medialibrary/Files/Sustainability/easyJet_2022_ARA_Sustainability_221215.pdf

https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/maps/regional-competitiveness_en

https://www.jstor.org/stable/27735482

https://www.saxo.com/dk/performance-management-in-the-public-sector_geert-bouckaert-john-halligan-wouter-van-dooren_pdf_9781317814160

https://ideas.repec.org/a/bla/socsci/v86y2005i3p704-723.html

https://www.resourcepanel.org/reports/urban-agricultures-potential-advance-multiple-sustainability-goals

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0264275118303044