Rusland og Europa
Visserligt er Ruslands to traktats initiative om sikkerhedsgarantier og foran-staltninger en gylden mulighed for at forhandle fremtiden for forbindelserne mellem Ukraine og Rusland, Rusland og Den Europæiske Union. For Rusland fører hybridkrig og bluffer. Moskva har ingen interesse i krig, men at blive anerkendt som USA ligeværdige i en stort anlagt forhandling om Europa. Pointen er, at to traktatsforslagets dybere struktur er forholdet til Ukraine og til Europa. Hvordan skal vi reagere ?
Ukraine
Efter at have gået hvert til sit i 1991 har Rusland søgt at reintegrere Ukraine I en indflydelsessfære. Dette er drevet af politiske ambitioner og begær efter et Eurasiatisk imperium. Stepperne nærer rastløshed. Hvad kan der gøres ? For det første gælder om at bevæbne Ukraine og at deployere soldater til Kiev og Kharkiv. For det andet kunne Rusland betale en løsesum på 1 trillion €uro for Krim. Seperatiststyrker og russiske tropper kunne forlade Donbas regionen. For det tredje kunne Scenariaer blive udviklet med henblik på traktatsligt samarbejde mellem Ukraine og Rusland.
Ukraine kan tiltræde EU, men ikke NATO.
Belarus
Belarus ville komme under Ruslands sikkerhedsparraply , men der vil også blive frie nyvalg i.e. Lukashenko må være red til at forlade sine politiske embeder.
Moldova
Republikken Moldova kan tiltræde EU og NATO enten som uafhængigt land eller gennem genforening med Rumænien.
Syd Ossetien, Abkhasien & Transnistria
Russiske fredsbevarende styrker vil blive lettet for deres byrder til genstand for en forhandling mellem mellem EU-USA-Rusland.
Europæisk Stabiliseringsstyrke vil blive deployeret til Transnistries.
Georgien skal være frit il at vælge alliance – NATO & EU – forudsat at det bliver forvandlet til en føderation.
EU-Rusland
Engang sanktioner er hævet, vil EU-Ruslands strategiske partnerskab blive relanceret, inklusiv systematisk dialog om sikkerhed og forsvar og implikationer af EU’s udvidelse. EU engarerer Rusland in Østersøen, Arktis og Sortehavet. EU opgraderere substantielt sin Sortehavsstrategi, inclusive en uafhængig budgetlinie.
Mellemøsten
Middelhavet er Europas sydlige nære udland. Rusland er tilstede i Libyen og i Syrien. Vil Rusland forlade de to lande ? Elller er Middelhavet en åben og pluralistisk region ligesom Sortehavet ?
EU og Rusland har noget at tale om og at forhandle om, men det bliver ikke om et mafiotisk initiativ, som skal gendanne en russisk indenflydelsessfære i de tidligere sovjetrepublikker, som alle er ved at vende sig mod Europa. Derimod kan vi godt forhandle med Rusland om ting, som vedrører begge parter og som anerkender at vi alle er mennnesker med bedstforældre, som ønsker at vi ikke skal græmmme os men leve livet i nuet.
I øvrigt ville integrationen af det tidligere sovjetunionen i Ruslands indflydelses-sfære vil ikke forene et organisk hele med individuel frihed, men undertrykke nationaliteterne og individuel frihed under et russisk imperium..
Rusland og Europa
Europe Posted on Wed, December 22, 2021 12:05:33- Comments(0) https://rulle.ilcus.eu/?p=55
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Russia and EU
Europe Posted on Mon, December 20, 2021 18:45:59EU and Russia
Certainly, Russia two treaty proposal on security guarantees and measures constitute an opportunity address systematically the future of the relationship between Ukraine and Russia, Russia and the European Union:
Ukraine
Since parting ways in 1991 Russia has sought to reintegrate Ukraine into its orbit. This is driven by ambition and a desire for a Eurasien empire. The steppes nurture restlessness. What be done ? Russia could pay a ransom of 1 trillion USdollars for Crimnea. Seperatist forces and Russian forces should leave the Donbass region. Scenarios could be build on treaty-based cooperation between Ukraine and Russia.
Ukraine to accede to Eu, but not NATO.
Belarus
Belarus to come under Russia security protection, yet free elections also to be held, i.e. Lukashenko must be ready to leave political office.
Moldova
The republic of Moldova to accede to NATO and EU either as an independent country or through reunification with Romania.
South Ossetia, Abkhazia & Transnistria
Russian PKF to be relived of their duties subject to a negotiation between EU, the US and Russia..
EU Stabilisation Force to be deployed to Transnistria.
Georgia to be free to choose alliance – NATO & EU – provided it is transformed into a federation.
EU-Russia
Once sanctions are lifted, strategic partnership to be launched, including dialogue on security and defence and implications of EU enlargement for Russia. Eu to engage Russia in Baltic, Arctic and Black Sea. EU to substantially upgrade Black Sea Strategy, included independent budget line.
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HØJE NORD, FRIHEDS SAL
Danmark, Europe, Uncategorised Posted on Tue, April 23, 2024 16:14:45Høje Nord, friheds hjem,
ej for mørket til at true,
men for aloen til at lue og for liv til at gro frem,
Lad det bryde, lad det gære!
Stem ej strømmen, tål dens brag
NORDEFCO (Nordic Defence Cooperation) er ikke en NATO- eller EU-certificeret styrke i traditionel forstand. Det er et forsvarssamarbejde mellem de nordiske lande, herunder Danmark, Finland, Island, Norge og Sverige. Samarbejdet fokuserer på at styrke forsvarsevnen og sikkerhedspolitikken i Norden.
NORDEFCO arbejder tæt sammen med internationale organisationer som FN, NATO og EU for at tilføje værdi til det bredere internationale forsvarssamarbejde1. Med Finlands optagelse i NATO i april 2023 og Sveriges forventede optagelse i 2024, vil NORDEFCO spille en endnu vigtigere rolle i den nordiske region. Dette samarbejde indebærer ikke en formel certificering fra NATO eller EU, men det bidrager til regionens samlede forsvarsevne og er komplementært til NATO’s afskrækkelses- og forsvarsstrategi.
For at udvikle en strategi, der gør NORDEFCO til en NATO- og EU-certificeret flådestyrke med potentiale for opskalering til en naval air carrier gruppe, kan følgende trin overvejes:
- Certificeringsprocessen: Start med at definere de specifikke krav fra NATO og EU for certificering af flådestyrker. Dette vil sandsynligvis omfatte interoperabilitetsstandarder, kapabilitetskrav og overensstemmelse med bestemte forsvars- og sikkerhedspolitikker.
- Kapacitetsopbygning: NORDEFCO skal udvikle og standardisere flådestyrker, der kan integreres med NATO’s og EU’s eksisterende strukturer. Dette kan indebære investeringer i nye skibe, opgradering af eksisterende fartøjer og udvikling af luftbårne kapaciteter.
- Politisk Engagement: Sikre politisk støtte fra medlemslandene og arbejde på at opnå en konsensus om den strategiske retning og finansiering af projektet.
- Transatlantiske og Europæiske Dynamikker: Forstå og navigere i de komplekse transatlantiske og europæiske forsvarsdynamikker. Dette indebærer at balancere USA’s interesser med de europæiske landes ønsker om større autonomi inden for forsvar og sikkerhed.
- Omkostningsestimering: Udfør en grundig omkostningsanalyse for at estimere budgettet for oprettelsen og vedligeholdelsen af en naval air carrier gruppe. Overvej også mulighederne for fælles finansiering mellem NORDEFCO-landene.
- Tysklands Rolle: Tysklands nylige indkøb af F-35 kampfly kan spille en central rolle i den nordisk-ledede flådestyrke, da disse fly kan integreres i en carrier gruppe og styrke den samlede luftkapacitet.
- Storbritanniens og Ruslands Reaktion: Strategien skal også tage højde for, hvordan Storbritannien og Rusland kan reagere på en styrket nordisk flådestyrke. Det er vigtigt at sikre, at opskaleringen ikke opfattes som en trussel, men som et bidrag til regional stabilitet.
- Langsigtet Vision: Udvikle en langsigtet vision for, hvordan NORDEFCO kan fungere som en integreret del af NATO’s og EU’s maritime forsvar, herunder etablering af en naval air carrier gruppe.
- Tysklands F-35 Indkøbsplaner: Tysklands planer om at indkøbe F-35 fly passer godt ind i en nordisk-ledet flådestyrke, da disse fly vil forbedre interoperabiliteten med andre NATO-lande og styrke den samlede luftforsvarskapacitet.
Denne strategi skal udvikles med omhu og i tæt samarbejde med alle NORDEFCO-medlemslande samt NATO og EU for at sikre, at den er realistisk, finansierbar og i overensstemmelse med regionale og internationale sikkerhedsmål.
For at udvikle en strategi, der gør NORDEFCO til en NATO- og EU-certificeret flådestyrke med potentiale for opskalering til en naval air carrier gruppe, kan følgende trin overvejes:
- Certificeringsprocessen: Start med at definere de specifikke krav fra NATO og EU for certificering af flådestyrker. Dette vil sandsynligvis omfatte interoperabilitetsstandarder, kapabilitetskrav og overensstemmelse med bestemte forsvars- og sikkerhedspolitikker.
- Kapacitetsopbygning: NORDEFCO skal udvikle og standardisere flådestyrker, der kan integreres med NATO’s og EU’s eksisterende strukturer. Dette kan indebære investeringer i nye skibe, opgradering af eksisterende fartøjer og udvikling af luftbårne kapaciteter.
- Politisk Engagement: Sikre politisk støtte fra medlemslandene og arbejde på at opnå en konsensus om den strategiske retning og finansiering af projektet.
- Transatlantiske og Europæiske Dynamikker: Forstå og navigere i de komplekse transatlantiske og europæiske forsvarsdynamikker. Dette indebærer at balancere USA’s interesser med de europæiske landes ønsker om større autonomi inden for forsvar og sikkerhed.
- Omkostningsestimering: Udfør en grundig omkostningsanalyse for at estimere budgettet for oprettelsen og vedligeholdelsen af en naval air carrier gruppe. Overvej også mulighederne for fælles finansiering mellem NORDEFCO-landene.
- Tysklands Rolle: Tysklands nylige indkøb af F-35 kampfly kan spille en central rolle i den nordisk-ledede flådestyrke, da disse fly kan integreres i en carrier gruppe og styrke den samlede luftkapacitet.
- Storbritanniens og Ruslands Reaktion: Strategien skal også tage højde for, hvordan Storbritannien og Rusland kan reagere på en styrket nordisk flådestyrke. Det er vigtigt at sikre, at opskaleringen ikke opfattes som en trussel, men som et bidrag til regional stabilitet.
- Langsigtet Vision: Udvikle en langsigtet vision for, hvordan NORDEFCO kan fungere som en integreret del af NATO’s og EU’s maritime forsvar, herunder etablering af en naval air carrier gruppe.
- Tysklands F-35 Indkøbsplaner: Tysklands planer om at indkøbe F-35 fly passer godt ind i en nordisk-ledet flådestyrke, da disse fly vil forbedre interoperabiliteten med andre NATO-lande og styrke den samlede luftforsvarskapacitet.
Denne strategi skal udvikles med omhu og i tæt samarbejde med alle NORDEFCO-medlemslande samt NATO og EU for at sikre, at den er realistisk, finansierbar og i overensstemmelse med regionale og internationale sikkerhedsmål.
NORDEFCO (Nordisk Forsvarsamarbejde) kan samarbejde med andre militære alliancer som EUROMARFOR og NATO’s Standing Naval Forces på flere måder:
- Fælles Øvelser og Træning: NORDEFCO kan deltage i fælles øvelser og træning med EUROMARFOR og NATO’s maritime styrker for at forbedre interoperabilitet og samarbejdsprocedurer.
- Operativ Koordination: De kan koordinere operationer i regioner, hvor deres interesser overlapper, for at sikre en mere effektiv brug af ressourcer og styrker.
- Udvikling af Kapaciteter: NORDEFCO kan arbejde sammen med disse alliancer om at udvikle nye maritime kapaciteter, som kan bidrage til sikkerheden i de relevante søområder.
- Intelligence Sharing: De kan dele efterretninger og situationsoverblik for at styrke den samlede bevidsthed om trusler og sikkerhedsmæssige udfordringer.
- Forsvarsindustrielt Samarbejde: De kan samarbejde om udvikling og anskaffelse af forsvarsmateriel, hvilket kan føre til bedre integration af våbensystemer og udstyr.
- Støtte til Internationale Missioner: NORDEFCO kan bidrage til internationale missioner under ledelse af EUROMARFOR eller NATO, hvilket kan styrke deres evne til at udføre operationer1.
- Politisk Dialog: Ved at fremme politisk dialog mellem NORDEFCO og disse alliancer kan de udvikle fælles forståelse og tilgang til regionale sikkerhedsspørgsmål1.
- Krisestyring: De kan samarbejde om krisestyring og humanitære operationer, hvilket kan forbedre deres evne til at reagere på nødsituationer.
The F-35 Lightning II has three main variants, each designed for specific roles and operating environments. Here are the key differences between the F-35A, F-35B, and F-35C:
F-35A:
- Conventional Takeoff and Landing (CTOL): Designed for traditional air force runways.
- Airframe: Smallest and lightest variant, capable of withstanding forces up to 9 g.
- Refueling: Employs aerial refueling through a boom and receptacle method, adaptable for probe-and-drogue if required.
- Drag Chute Pod: Can be equipped with a drag chute pod for additional braking capability on icy runways.
F-35B:
- Short Takeoff and Vertical Landing (STOVL): Can operate from shorter decks and amphibious assault ships without catapult systems.
- Reduced Fuel Capacity: Sacrifices about one-third of the fuel volume compared to the F-35A for STOVL capability.
- Airframe: Similar in size to the F-35A but limited to handling forces up to 7 g.
- Landing Gear: Lacks a traditional landing hook; uses a “STOVL/HOOK” control for vertical flight modes.
F-35C:
- Catapult-Assisted Takeoff but Arrested Recovery (CATOBAR): Tailored for aircraft carrier operations.
- Larger Wingspan: Features larger wings with foldable wingtips and increased control surface area for better low-speed maneuverability.
- Robust Landing Gear: Equipped with sturdier landing gear to withstand the stresses of carrier operations.
- Reinforced Tailhook: Has a reinforced tailhook for engaging with carrier arrestor cables.
- Payload and Range: Offers enhanced range and payload capacity due to the larger wing area.
Each variant is tailored to the specific needs of the branch of the military it serves, ensuring that the F-35 can operate effectively in a wide range of scenarios and environments.
Germany’s interest in an independent deterrent to complement NATO’s defense strategy is part of a broader European defense evolution. The acquisition of the F-35B or F-35C by Germany could be argued from a strategic standpoint, considering the advanced capabilities these aircraft offer for carrier-based operations and the flexibility they provide in terms of deployment locations, including maritime regions controlled by Denmark.
The F-35B’s STOVL capabilities allow for deployment in areas with limited infrastructure, while the F-35C’s CATOBAR system is ideal for traditional aircraft carriers. Both variants would enhance Germany’s ability to project power and contribute to NATO’s collective defense, particularly in the maritime domain.
Denmark, having recently abolished its EU defense opt-out and joined the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), is now more integrated into EU defense structures23. In light of this, Denmark may seek reciprocal commitments from Germany to strengthen the community method within the EU, which emphasizes decision-making at the EU level rather than intergovernmental arrangements. This could be seen as a counterbalance to the influence of larger EU states like France and to ensure that smaller member states have a say in shaping EU defense policies.
Denmark’s strategic position in controlling waters that could be critical in the event of a conflict, including areas near the North Pole, adds to its leverage. The country could argue that its geographic location and control over potential strategic maritime zones necessitate a stronger voice in EU defense matters and a more integrated approach to European security.
In return for supporting Germany’s acquisition of F-35 aircraft, Denmark might request a commitment to the community method to ensure that its interests are adequately represented and that EU defense initiatives are more inclusive and democratic. This could involve a more significant role for the EU Commission and the European Parliament in defense matters, rather than decisions being driven solely by the largest member states.
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/1997-05-01/miles-go
https://link.springer.com/book/10.1057/9780230305670
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2022/733512/IPOL_STU%282022%29733512_EN.pdf
https://institutdelors.eu/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/communitymethod-synthesis-ne-jdi-feb13-1.pdf
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Towards A Debt Reduction startegy in the Eurozone – Gonna catch that Wave
Uncategorised Posted on Mon, April 01, 2024 17:50:48A comprehensive debt reduction strategy in the Eurozone could be structured as follows:
- Historical Perspective on Debt: As David Graeber outlines in his book “Debt: The First 5000 Years”, debt has played a significant role in societies throughout history. It has been used as a tool for state-building, controlling others, and limiting their actions. Understanding this historical context is crucial for formulating an effective debt reduction strategy.
- Legislative Requirements: The Eurozone needs to implement legislative reforms that promote fiscal responsibility and debt reduction. This could include laws that limit the amount of debt that member countries can take on and regulations that encourage transparency in public finances.
- Fiscal Governance: Drawing from Professor Benjamin Cohen’s 2007 RIPE piece, strengthening the fiscal governance framework of the EU is crucial. This involves improving the efficiency and effectiveness of public spending, enhancing the transparency and accountability of fiscal policies, and ensuring that fiscal rules are adhered to.
- Capital Markets Union: The creation of a Capital Markets Union can help diversify funding sources, improve the stability of the financial system, and facilitate the flow of capital across the Eurozone.
- Liberalisation of the Retail Market: Liberalising the retail market in the EU can stimulate competition, lower prices, and improve the quality of goods and services. This can boost consumer spending, which in turn can help reduce debt levels.
- Harmonisation of Debt Issuance Calendars: Ahead of the next big bang enlargement in 2030, harmonising debt issuance calendars across the Eurozone can help synchronise fiscal policies and promote financial stability.
- Policy-Related Aspects: Policies should be implemented to promote economic growth, reduce unemployment, and increase productivity. These can include structural reforms, investment in infrastructure and education, and policies that promote research and development.
- Institutional Requirements: Institutions play a crucial role in debt reduction. They need to be strong enough to enforce fiscal rules, monitor debt levels, and implement necessary reforms.
- Franco-German Structured Rivalry and Supranational Leadership: The enduring Franco-German rivalry has shaped the EU. However, the failure of supranational leadership to take smooth and forceful action has often hindered progress. Overcoming this rivalry and strengthening supranational leadership is crucial for the successful implementation of a debt reduction strategy.
In conclusion, debt plays a significant role in state-building. It is a resource that, when managed properly, can contribute to the development and prosperity of a nation. However, when mismanaged, it can lead to economic instability and hardship. Therefore, a comprehensive and effective debt reduction strategy is essential for the economic health and stability of the Eurozone.
Given the complexity and diversity of the Eurozone, it’s challenging to provide detailed country-by-country recommendations on institution-building, policy development, and legislation. However, I can provide some general guidelines that could be tailored to each country’s specific context:
- Institution-Building: Institutions play a crucial role in managing debt and implementing fiscal policies. Countries should focus on strengthening their institutions, particularly those related to fiscal management. This could involve enhancing the capacity of these institutions, improving their governance structures, and ensuring their independence.
- Policy Development: Policies should be designed to promote economic growth, reduce unemployment, and increase productivity. This could involve structural reforms, investment in infrastructure and education, and policies that promote research and development.
- Legislation: Legislative reforms that promote fiscal responsibility and debt reduction should be implemented. This could include laws that limit the amount of debt that member countries can take on and regulations that encourage transparency in public finances.
As for the optimal level of debt, it’s important to note that there’s no one-size-fits-all answer. The optimal level of debt can vary depending on a country’s specific economic conditions and fiscal capacity. However, the EU treaties have enshrined an upper limit to the debts of member states relative to their economic output. Their debt-to-GDP ratio should not exceed 60%. At the end of 2022, the EU general government gross debt decreased to 84.0 % of GDP.
Regarding the introduction of an EU-tax, the European Commission has adopted a Tax Package that aims to make taxation fairer, simpler, and more adapted to modern technologies. The proposal, called “Business in Europe: Framework for Income Taxation” (BEFIT), will introduce a new, single set of rules to determine the tax base of groups of companies. This is part of the EU’s broader efforts to forge a stronger fiscal-military actor at the heart of Eurasia
Please note that these are general recommendations and each country within the Eurozone may need to tailor these guidelines to their specific context and needs. It’s also important to keep in mind that any changes to fiscal policies or debt levels should be done in consultation with relevant stakeholders and in accordance with EU regulations and guidelines.
Summary
The reduction of debt in the eurozone ahead of stage 4 – the harmonization of debt issuance calendars – are likely timed to coincide with structural change in the international system and to consolidate the movement of the EU towards a tightly integrated fiscal-military actor. That is it implies a theory of change in the polarity of the international system linked to state-building processes in Europe.
Given views are converging on the finalité politique of the Eu integration project and Professor Cohen’s piece has been out now for 17 years, it follows it is presupposed by the prolongation of the Franco-German tandem’s sway over high politics in the European Union. This, by far, doesn’t imply the Eu institutions should not try and even out differences and should nor report to duty when called on or when into the mood for co-creation of the remunarated version, bien-sur.,-
For some time, the ECB has been clamoring for advancing the capital market union given its concern for balance sheet recession following the debt crisis, the return to growth in the European economy and the interest in promoting the EU’s open strategic autonomy.
This signals a need for how to tie in a debt reduction strategy during UVLII and how to proceed on the different stages of BJC’s rocket towards 2030. At this point, France and Germany has decided to move forward on harmonization of the debt issuance calendars in the Eurozone, only.
Clearly, there is a need for consultations with Professor Cohen on what he had in mind, how to strengthen tax governance in EU and the Member States, the purposes an EU tax could be used for based on pilot projects within budget and time likely at regional level, and the format of and content of the legislative framework underpinning the Eurozone debt reduction strategy in the run-up to 2030.
Two possibilities:
The institutional track: The ECB’s preference for preventing balance sheet recession and promoting the EU’s open strategic actor-hood is sized for conducting a review of the Capital Markets Union Action Plan. Parallel to this, an administrative reorganization is undertaken in EEAS, whereby the SP Unit on strategies, an SP-Unit on thematic issues, and action plans in the Eu delegation are implemented, while the EU Commission publicizes a strategy for debt reduction in the €urozone.
The Berlin-Brussels-Paris Track: A strategy on debt reduction in the €urozone will be published to coincide with consensus on implementing the CMU Action Plan on outstanding issues following EP elections in conjunction with the Draghi report on competitiveness.
https://theknowledge.io/david-graebers-debt-the-first-5000-years/
https://academic.oup.com/book/44055/chapter-abstract/371943686?redirectedFrom=fulltext
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s41295-023-00344-6
https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0pt8p8g4
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2023/747906/EPRS_BRI%282023%29747906_EN.pdf
https://www.ijfmr.com/papers/2023/6/9201.pdf
https://news.yale.edu/2023/09/28/pawn-states-exploring-costs-external-debt-nation-building
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balance_sheet_recession
https://www.amazon.com/Escape-Balance-Sheet-R
ecession-Trap/dp/1119028124/ref=sr_1_2?dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.2NsIgNNU5L7UjkCHzKbI4y3YVuoIv_KLK2Xc3CgXqwbfFoLTBurkxew8XV_PWGDibNUAD7LNcGX81NxnEfKmIlY3trbHoVzH16E7DGNWez13W4ntNs75IjpeljlBsW6y9rP0U3UDZgWCYqKyxpM6h9-ex6_6tZeX5GDiTmCe8rtngLPz2jDmjDNMKUfelGAbPJ-tvAZmYyTmJv44iPY7OQ-cieyx5kZV4boHJJE5u8A.8Kpm5zsEc4HUgInCVxBR2jiQ1Ijf1o8sijVsQiNgOiw&dib_tag=se&qid=1711985327&refinements=p_27%3ARichard+C.+Koo&s=books&sr=1-2&text=Richard+C.+Koo
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4610456
https://www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/pdf/scpops/ecb.op311~5065ff588c.en.pdf
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Tajikistani Galore – A Bridge to the South ?
Uncategorised Posted on Sun, March 31, 2024 18:57:28– AN ACTION PLAN
The recent terror attack in Moscow has been used as a pretext for ramping up security measures in the EU, particularly in France and Italy. It is unclear why. Nevertheless, it is safe to assume that long-simmering problems in Tajikistan have been festering without being addressed effectively. Quick thinking suggests the need to take coherent and coordinated action. This could be undertaken at several levels, requiring a task force in the Tajik President’s administration to ensure effective follow-up so that past disappointments do not repeat themselves.
What could be done to stabilize the situation in this small central Asian country bordering Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and China speaking an Iranian language?
- Action Plan on Tajikistan
First, the regional organizations in Central Asia must be strengthened to ensure they make a difference and promote economic integration. Lead partners: EU, Russia & Kazakhstan.
Second, the SCO Center on Anti-Terrorism must be strengthened through a nonpartisan study to maximize synergies, not just prolong measures grafted onto Chinese interests with Uzbekistan. A Contact group consisting of Russia, The US, Dushanbe, China, the EU, India, and Uzbekistan could be formed to ensure effective action against anti-terrorists beginning with Hizb-ut-Tahiria but not excluded from it.
Third, an IMO study is needed on the situation of migrants in Russia, China, and elsewhere and on the causes of push-pull factors inside Tajikistan and how to ameliorate their lot.
Fourth, an action plan to fight organised crime and forging an anti drug strategy must be formulated and executed with Europol as lead partner.
Fifth, Frontex could consider teaming up with relevant implementation partners and regional actors to strengthen the border management police in cooperation with Russia and China, which are already present and assist in patrolling.
Sixth, an Economic Development Plan should be hatched with China as a lead partner in cooperation with the Tajik government.
Seventh, governance must be strengthened considerably, and the local strongman be convinced to refine his administration’s ways.
Eight, a political initiative on the Fergana Valley must be launched with Russia, Turkey, and Iran as lead partners.
Ninth, an anti-corruption package encompassing laws, institution-building needs, and policies must be developed by Transparency International and implemented promptly.
Tenth, to add perspective, a package promoting the role of women in society and business and people-to-people programs could be hatched to promote exchange and social mobility between ethnic groups and prodding outlook by the youth is responded to.
To sum up: The international society has high hopes of reform in Central Asia. It now also has an interest in ensuring peace and stability in Tajikistan. While distracted by a slew of other problems, it could be worthwhile to contain conflict and do something about the challenges and oppor-tunities in this turnkey country in a region of contact and collaboration between Great Powers. If Turkey has been found wanting, conclusions must be made, and consequences drawn. Implementing this package should proceed with any discussion on linking Turkmenistan and India through pipeline politics. No changes are foreseen to the swap agreements between Turkmenistan and Iran.
The EU must look beyond its policies’ projections, address the Tajik government’s real needs, and partner up.
The onus is on Russia to conduct a systematic study and analysis into how the living and work conditions in Russia for Tajik migrants facilitate radicalization.
2. The current policy of Russia on Tajik migrants
As of recent years, Tajik migrants have been significantly impacted by Russia’s evolving migration policies. Here are some key points:
- Increased Migration to Russia:
- Over 3 million Tajik citizens were officially registered in Russia in 2021, a record number.
- Approximately 2.4 million Tajik nationals stated “work” as their reason for entering Russia, constituting about one-quarter of Tajikistan’s entire population.
- While seasonal workers form the majority, an increasing number of Tajiks seek permanent resettlement in Russia due to unemployment and poverty in Tajikistan and other Central Asian countries.
- Relaxation of Migration and Citizenship Requirements:
- Russia has been easing its migration and citizenship rules, particularly for nationals from former Soviet republics.
- The government recognizes that economic growth is impossible without migrant labor, as Russia’s population is declining.
- Central Asia serves as a significant foreign source for Russia’s workforce
- Legal Challenges and Exploitation:
- Tajiks can legally enter Russia without a visa, but the residence permit system (propiska) makes it challenging for them to live and work legally.
- Police often demand bribes, and employers may refuse to pay already low-compensated migrant workers after services have been rendered.
- While some Tajik migrant workers become fully legalized Russian citizens, most do not pursue this option.
- Travel Restrictions During the Pandemic:
- Since March 2020, Tajik migrant workers have been unable to travel to Russia due to a travel ban.
- Many remained unemployed in Tajikistan, as the local labor market cannot provide sufficient jobs, even during better economic times
- Exorbitant Airfares as a Barrier:
- Although Russia has opened its borders to Tajik migrants, high airfares have prevented many laborers from entering the country.
- The cost of flights remains a significant challenge for those seeking employment opportunities in Russia
In summary, while Russia’s policies have facilitated migration for Tajik workers, challenges persist in terms of legal status, exploitation, and access to affordable travel. Collaborative efforts are essential to address these issues and create a more supportive environment for Tajik migrants in Russia
3. Where do Tajiks work in Russia ?
Tajik migrants play a crucial role in Russia’s labor force, contributing significantly to the country’s economy. Here are the main sectors where Tajik migrants typically find employment:
- Construction:
- Roughly 90% of Tajik migrants in Russia work in the construction industry.
- They are involved in various construction projects, including building infrastructure, residential complexes, and commercial buildings.
- These jobs often involve physically demanding work and long hours.
- Janitorial and Maintenance Services:
- Many Tajik migrants work as janitors, cleaners, and maintenance staff.
- They contribute to maintaining public spaces, residential buildings, and offices.
- These roles are essential for keeping cities clean and functional.
- Agriculture:
- Some Tajik migrants work in agriculture, particularly during seasonal harvests.
- They engage in tasks such as planting, harvesting, and tending to crops.
- Agriculture provides employment opportunities in rural areas and contributes to food production.
- Other Labor-Intensive Jobs:
- Tajik migrants may also find work in factories, warehouses, and manufacturing plants.
- These jobs often involve manual labor and contribute to various industries, including textiles, food processing, and logistics.
- Informal and Low-Skilled Jobs:
- Due to language barriers and limited formal education, many Tajik migrants take up low-skilled or informal jobs.
- These include street vending, small businesses, and odd jobs.
- Domestic Work:
- Some Tajik women work as domestic helpers, providing cleaning, cooking, and childcare services in Russian households.
- Domestic work is often less regulated and can be challenging due to long hours and low pay.
It’s important to recognize that Tajik migrants face various challenges, including exploitation, low wages, and sometimes unsafe working conditions. Despite these difficulties, their remittances play a significant role in Tajikistan’s economy, supporting families back home and contributing to the country’s GDP.
4. How could Russia improve the situation for Tajiks in Russia ?
Improving the working conditions for Tajik migrants in various sectors is crucial for their well-being and overall social and economic stability. Here are some actionable steps to enhance their conditions:
- Legal Protections and Awareness:
- Strengthen labor laws: Ensure that Tajik migrants are aware of their rights and protections under Russian labor laws. Provide accessible information in multiple languages.
- Educate migrants: Conduct awareness campaigns to inform migrants about their rights, how to report violations, and where to seek legal assistance.
- Health and Safety Measures:
- Workplace safety: Enforce safety regulations in construction, agriculture, and other sectors. Provide protective gear and training.
- Healthcare access: Facilitate access to healthcare services for Tajik migrants. Establish clinics or mobile health units near migrant communities.
- Fair Wages and Payment Transparency:
- Minimum wage enforcement: Ensure that Tajik migrants receive at least the minimum wage set by law.
- Transparent payment systems: Implement digital payment methods to prevent wage theft and ensure timely payments.
- Housing and Living Conditions:
- Safe housing: Collaborate with employers to provide decent living conditions for migrants. Address overcrowding and unsanitary environments.
- Affordable housing: Explore affordable housing options near workplaces to reduce commuting time and expenses.
- Language and Cultural Integration:
- Language classes: Offer language courses to help migrants communicate effectively with employers and colleagues.
- Cultural orientation: Provide cultural sensitivity training to employers and coworkers to foster understanding and respect.
- Psychosocial Support:
- Counseling services: Establish counseling centers to address mental health issues faced by migrants due to isolation, discrimination, or stress.
- Community support networks: Create community spaces where migrants can connect, share experiences, and support each other.
- Anti-Discrimination Measures:
- Zero tolerance: Strictly enforce anti-discrimination policies in workplaces. Address any discriminatory behavior promptly.
- Reporting mechanisms: Set up anonymous reporting channels for migrants to report discrimination or harassment.
- Skills Development and Career Advancement:
- Skills training: Provide vocational training to enhance migrants’ skills and employability.
- Career pathways: Create opportunities for career growth and advancement within sectors.
- Collaboration with Employers and Trade Unions:
- Engage employers: Encourage employers to adopt fair labor practices voluntarily. Recognize and reward responsible employers.
- Trade unions: Strengthen trade unions’ role in advocating for migrants’ rights and negotiating better conditions.
- Monitoring and Evaluation:
- Regular assessments: Conduct periodic assessments of working conditions, migrant satisfaction, and compliance with regulations.
- Feedback loops: Involve migrants in evaluating programs and policies to ensure effectiveness.
Remember that a holistic approach involving government agencies, employers, civil society organizations, and international partners is essential. By prioritizing the well-being of Tajik migrants, we can create a more just and equitable society
4. How can the employers be convinced to improve working conditions ?
Encouraging employers to adopt fair labor practices is essential for creating a just and equitable work environment. Here are some strategies:
- Education and Awareness:
- Workshops and Training: Organize workshops and training sessions for employers on labor laws, workers’ rights, and ethical practices.
- Case Studies: Share real-life examples of companies that have successfully implemented fair labor practices.
- Highlight Benefits: Emphasize the long-term benefits of fair practices, such as improved employee morale, productivity, and reputation.
- Incentives and Recognition:
- Certifications: Introduce certifications or labels for businesses that adhere to fair labor standards.
- Public Recognition: Celebrate and publicly recognize companies that prioritize fair practices.
- Tax Incentives: Offer tax breaks or other financial incentives to companies that meet specific criteria.
- Collaboration with Trade Unions and NGOs:
- Partnerships: Collaborate with trade unions and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to promote fair practices.
- Joint Initiatives: Develop joint initiatives that involve employers, workers, and civil society organizations.
- Transparency and Accountability:
- Reporting Requirements: Mandate regular reporting on labor practices, wages, and working conditions.
- Audits: Conduct independent audits to assess compliance with fair labor standards.
- Whistleblower Protection: Ensure protection for employees who report violations.
- Supply Chain Responsibility:
- Supplier Engagement: Encourage companies to extend fair practices to their supply chains.
- Supplier Audits: Regularly audit suppliers to verify compliance with labor standards.
- Fair Compensation and Benefits:
- Living Wages: Advocate for wages that cover basic needs and allow for a decent standard of living.
- Benefits: Ensure access to health insurance, paid leave, and retirement benefits.
- Work-Life Balance and Well-Being:
- Flexible Hours: Promote flexible work arrangements to support work-life balance.
- Mental Health Support: Offer resources for stress management and mental well-being.
- Promote Diversity and Inclusion:
- Equal Opportunities: Ensure equal opportunities regardless of gender, ethnicity, or background.
- Anti-Discrimination Policies: Implement and enforce policies against discrimination.
- Leadership Commitment:
- Lead by Example: Encourage top management to demonstrate commitment to fair practices.
- Integrate Values: Embed fair labor practices into the company’s mission and values.
- Public Pressure and Consumer Awareness:
- Consumer Influence: Educate consumers about fair labor practices and encourage them to support ethical companies.
- Boycotts and Campaigns: Publicize cases of unfair practices and mobilize public opinion.
Remember that change requires collective effort. By engaging employers, workers, and stakeholders, we can create workplaces where fairness, respect, and dignity prevail.
5.ACTION PLAN BETWEEN RUSSIA AND TAKJIKISTAN
Addressing the challenges faced by Tajik migrants in Russia requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. Here are some key elements for a joint Russian-Tajik action plan:
- Radicalization Prevention:
- Establish programs to counter radicalization among Tajik migrants. This includes education, community engagement, and promoting moderate religious discourse.
- Collaborate with religious leaders, community organizations, and educational institutions to raise awareness about the risks of radicalization.
- Monitor online platforms and social media channels to identify and address extremist content targeting Tajik migrants.
- Improving Living and Work Conditions:
- Advocate for better housing conditions, access to clean water, sanitation, and electricity for Tajik migrants.
- Encourage Russian employers to provide safe and hygienic living quarters for migrant workers.
- Ensure that migrants have access to healthcare, legal assistance, and social services.
- Compliance with International Conventions:
- Implement and enforce international labor standards, including those outlined by the International Labour Organization (ILO).
- Ensure that Tajik migrants are aware of their rights and protections under international conventions.
- Collaborate with relevant organizations to monitor and report on compliance with these conventions.
- Halt Recruitment to the Russian Army:
- Work towards an agreement that prevents the recruitment of Tajik migrants into the Russian armed forces.
- Explore alternative ways for Tajik citizens to serve their country without compromising their livelihoods in Russia.
- Minimizing Abusive Behavior by Employers:
- Strengthen labor inspections to prevent exploitation and abusive practices by employers.
- Establish mechanisms for reporting and addressing cases of mistreatment, harassment, or non-payment of wages.
- Provide legal assistance to Tajik migrants facing workplace abuse.
- Decent Salaries and Working Hours:
- Advocate for fair wages that reflect the cost of living in Russia.
- Collaborate with Russian employers to ensure that Tajik migrants receive timely and adequate payment for their work.
- Monitor working hours to prevent excessive overtime and ensure a healthy work-life balance.
- Financial Allocation:
- Allocate the proposed 200 million Euros to fund initiatives related to the above elements.
- Prioritize projects that directly benefit Tajik migrants and enhance their well-being.
Remember that successful implementation will require close cooperation between the Russian and Tajik governments, international organizations, civil society, and the private sector. By addressing these issues collectively, we can create a more supportive environment for Tajik migrants in Russia.
Conclusion
The Tajik-Russian conundrum call for a multifaceted response involving several partners and the Tajik and Russian government in the driving seat. The construction business gives problems in most countries. Still, the terror attack in Moscow constitutes a golden opportunity for a sustained effort to address longstanding challenges in this small mountainous country between China, Afghanistan, Kigizistan and Uzbekistan. This requires a multidimensional approach at both national and international level and clear thinking.
The European Union is doing good deeds and focusing on connectivity and water-related issues. This gives air in this corner of the world, but no real difference on the ground is possible without the sustained determination, attention and leadership of the Tajik president, supported by society and business and the various ethnic groups. NewRuz is a good time for the conduct of a profound discussion with the people and to reconnect how to imrove the economy and the education and the sustainability of teh Tajik enterprise. government fo rthe people and by the people or at the very least accountale and transparent government is the departure point for redressing the Tajik-Russia relationship. It starts and ends in Dushanbe.
Upon push-ups and consolidation, India should start implementing its bilateral cooperation agreement with Dshanbe, and review and strengthen its investment polcies in Central Asia.
https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/publication/656481/support-labor-migration-tajikistan.pdf
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/eu-tajikistan-relations_en
https://iwpr.net/global-voices/tajik-migrants-corerced-russian-army?
https://www.counterextremism.com/countries/tajikistan-extremism-and-terrorism
https://muse.jhu.edu/article/860747
https://www.usip.org/publications/2022/05/russias-ukraine-war-weighs-heavily-tajikistan
https://www.rferl.org/a/tajikistan-russia-exodus-migration-brain-drain/31700293.html
https://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-problem-human-rights-case-study-tajik-immigrants-russia
https://www.ijmra.us/project%20doc/2018/IJRSS_NOVEMBER2018/IJMRA-14405.pdf
https://trektajikistan.com/about/pamir-mountains/
https://eurasianet.org/tajikistan-migrant-laborers-dying-to-work-in-russia
https://www.mea.gov.in/Portal/ForeignRelation/Bilateral_Brief_EOI_Dushanbe__Nov_2022.pdf
https://nafaka.tj/images/zakoni/new/strategiya_2030_en.pdf
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Pour en finir avec la geopolitique de l’Union europeenne
Uncategorised Posted on Sun, March 24, 2024 14:46:38What are the spatial politics of the European Union ?
According to Wesley Scott, the “spatial politics are discussed here in terms of governance, regional policies and the production of geographical knowledge that reinforce the notion of a diverse but interdependent European space and, hence, political community”. He contends planning concepts have become a politicized concept around which regional development initiatives and socio-political qualities are contested in the common interest of forging an interdependent and economic prosperous European region. Thus, the EU integration project may be conceived as an exercise in multi-dimensional socio-spatial reordering from this theoretical perspective, i.e. a case of applied geostrategic theory to practice on european soil.
The European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP) encompass several objectives, established early on as is to work towards a balanced and sustainable development of the territory of the European Union along the following parametres:
- economic and social cohesion;
- conservation and management of natural resources and the cultural heritage;
- more balanced competitiveness of the European territory
In a more narrow sense, there can be little doubt that the EU’s regional and cohesion policies are having an impact on the geographical and sectoral cleavages in the European Union. In many ways, the border regions of Europe recall the need for comparative studies into how they compare with each other and perhaps even apply them to the quality of the EU’s eastern and southern borders – foro interno, foro externo.
The Eu possesses a range of levers to shape the territorial dynamics of the European Union. This is having a clear economic impact in narrowing the gap between the regions of the Eu member states and between the East-West and North-South cleavage, although action is also informed by economic theory and the impact by the localized context. Cohesion policies are known to impact the level of pro-European attitudes. For instance, Wales and Scotland voted no to enter the EEC in 1972, but no to Brexit in 2017, following decades of EU support and investments in the areas. The level of economic activities throughout the European Union has evened out as a consequence of the stitching together of the European space through regional and cohesion policies. It is vital to engage citizens in dialogue in order to understand how to serve the citizenry best to ensure accountability and good govrenance a just distribution of benefits on the one hand, and on the other hand to bolster strong leadership and to prod a partnership in power between authorities and decision-making levels, so that interventions are followed up and accumulated on to ensure lasting impact – a positive multiplier loop creating a bond between the EU and the Member States. The public administrations of the Eu have been through a series of stress tests recently, which the EU , currently ad administrative state, have sought to recitify.
There are several maps available, that speaks volumes about how the Eu is making a difference in narrowing gaps on central parameters. The mandate is to lead the economic, social and territorial for an overall harmonious development of the European Union.
External aspects
Geography significantly influences political objectives by shaping the context within which nations and political entities operate. Let’s explore how geography impacts politics:
- Creation of Natural Boundaries:
- Mountains, rivers, oceans, and deserts often serve as dividers between countries and regions. These geographic features significantly influence political relationships and alliances.
- For instance, the Himalayas act as a natural boundary between India and China, impacting their strategic interactions.
- Resource Distribution:
- The availability and distribution of natural resources play a crucial role in shaping political objectives. Resource-rich regions hold global influence.
- Countries with abundant oil reserves, fertile land, or access to minerals often have specific political goals related to resource exploitation and trade.
- Economic Development:
- Coastal areas, due to their proximity to oceans and trade routes, become economic hubs. Ports, shipping lanes, and access to international markets drive economic development.
- Political decisions are influenced by the need to protect and enhance economic interests tied to specific geographic locations.
- Strategic Locations:
- Chokepoints, such as the Strait of Hormuz or the Suez Canal, significantly impact global trade and security. Control over these locations becomes a political objective.
- Geopolitically important regions, like the South China Sea, shape national security strategies and foreign policy.
- Climate and Environmental Challenges:
- Coastal vulnerability, rising sea levels, and extreme weather events influence political priorities. Climate change policies and adaptation strategies are geographically driven.
- Nations near the Arctic face new geopolitical dynamics due to melting ice and access to resources.
In summary, geography provides the canvas upon which political actors operate. It determines borders, access to resources, and strategic imperatives. Understanding these spatial dynamics is essential for effective governance and international relations.
Geography plays a pivotal role in international relations, influencing political power, foreign policy, and global interactions. Let’s explore how geography shapes international dynamics:
- Geopolitics and International Relations:
- Geopolitics is the study of how Earth’s geography impacts political power and international affairs. It focuses on the influence of geographic space, including:
- Territorial waters: Maritime boundaries and access to oceans.
- Land territory: Borders, natural features, and territorial claims.
- Climate: Weather patterns affecting strategic planning.
- Topography: Terrain, mountains, and valleys.
- Demography: Population distribution and migration.
- Natural resources: Access to minerals, energy, and agricultural land.
- Stability Amidst Complexity:
- International relations evolve amidst a complex interplay of various factors. However, the most stable element is the physical environment—fully described by geographers.
- Geographical conditions provide the permanent material foundation for both nationalism (linked to the territory a nation occupies) and power dynamics.
- Geopolitical stability arises from understanding the link between permanent geographical conditions and more stable aspects of international relations.
- Resource Distribution and Power:
- Geography shapes the distribution of natural resources (such as oil, minerals, and fertile land). Nations seek access to these resources for economic and strategic purposes.
- Control over key geographic locations (e.g., straits, ports, and energy transit routes) influences a country’s power and ability to project influence globally.
- Borders and Boundaries:
- Mountains, rivers, and coastlines define political boundaries. These natural features impact territorial claims, sovereignty, and conflict.
- Geographical proximity affects diplomatic relations and trade partnerships.
- Trade Routes and Connectivity:
- Trade routes, influenced by geography, connect nations economically. Ports, shipping lanes, and land corridors facilitate commerce.
- The Silk Road, for example, historically linked Europe and Asia, shaping cultural exchange and political alliances.
- Strategic Chokepoints:
- Geographical bottlenecks (e.g., the Strait of Hormuz, the Malacca Strait, or the Panama Canal, The Bosphorous, Øresund, Ginraltar Strait) impact global trade, energy security, and military movements.
- Nations vie for control over these critical passages.
- Climate Challenges and Adaptation:
- Coastal vulnerability, rising sea levels, and extreme weather events are geopolitical concerns.
- Climate change policies intersect with international relations, affecting cooperation, migration, and resource management.
In summary, geography provides the canvas upon which international relations unfold. Understanding spatial dynamics informs diplomacy, security, and cooperation.
Geography profoundly shapes diplomacy, influencing the conduct of international relations and the strategies employed by states and actors. Let’s explore its impact:
- Micro-Geographies of Diplomatic Sites:
- Diplomacy occurs in specific geographical locations—embassies, foreign ministries, and state dinners. These sites have unique spatial organization and emotional agency.
- The seating plan at a state dinner or the layout of diplomatic offices influences interactions. Decisions about where diplomacy takes place are as significant as the actions themselves.
- Spatialization of World Politics:
- Diplomacy is closely tied to the functionality of the state. Representing a polity externally builds legitimacy and is a key tool of statecraft.
- Diplomatic encounters mediate disputes, ignite arguments, and reshape how relations between actors are imagined.
- The spatial dynamics of diplomacy extend beyond specific sites to the broader context of world politics.
- Changing Terrain of Contemporary Diplomacy:
- Technological innovation and globalization have given rise to “new” diplomatic actors and practices.
- Scholars from various disciplines engage with the evolving spatial dimensions of diplomacy.
- Innovative approaches study alternative actors both “above” and “below” the state, challenging traditional notions of diplomacy.
- Geopolitical Awareness and Diplomacy:
- Knowing global geography enhances diplomatic decision-making. Understanding who lives where fosters empathy and informed choices.
- Geographical knowledge reduces advocacy for military intervention and promotes peaceful solutions.
- Economic Diplomacy and Trade Routes:
- Economic diplomacy influences the geography of international trade. Countries strategically position themselves to access markets and resources.
- Ports, shipping lanes, and land corridors play a crucial role in economic relations.
- Diplomacy as a Spatial Practice:
- A geographical lens diversifies conceptual framings of diplomacy. It widens the empirical view to include various practices, actors, and objects.
- By examining the spatial aspects, we gain insights into the complexities of diplomatic engagement.
In summary, geography shapes diplomatic practice, statecraft, and global interactions. Understanding spatial dynamics enriches our approach to international relations
In terms of the external spatial aspects of the EU integration project, I discern four geopolitical vectors weighing heavily on the security of the European Union,a composite state-like actor: (1) Where could an attack on Europe happen and where to defend Europe (2) The outfall from the war in Ukraine, including in the Black Sea (3) Conflicts between the candidate countries (4) protection of the lines of communication.
Similar to the internal aspects, the geopolitical aspects of the Eu integration is a contested area, since it involves notions of the EU’s claim to statehood, assessment of where political focus should be hence the use of funding and areas of effort and the growth areas and institutional interests of the European Union.
- Where to Expect Attack and Where to Defend the European Union:
Colin Gray and Geoffrey Sloan’s book, “Geopolitics, Geography, and Strategy”, provides valuable insights into this aspect. They emphasize that geopolitical conditions significantly influence strategic behavior. Even when cooperation among different military powers is expected, action must be planned and executed in specific physical environments.
Consider the geographical context of the EU’s borders, including potential flashpoints, critical chokepoints, and vulnerable areas. Analyze historical patterns of conflict and assess the strategic significance of different regions. For instance, the Baltic states and the Eastern Mediterranean are areas of heightened attention due to their proximity to potential threats.
Obviously, this is the most consequential of the geopolitical aspects of the European Union. I expect the EU and NATO to sort out and do more than merely comparing notes.
2.The Outfall from the Ukraine War, Including in the Black Sea:
The invasion of Ukraine by Russia
Ilie Bădescu’s encyclopedia on the Black Sea provides valuable information. The Black Sea is an inland sea between southeastern Europe and the Anatolian peninsula. It connects to the Atlantic Ocean via the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas. The Bosporus and Dardanelles straits link it to other seas.
Analyze the geopolitical implications of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. The Black Sea region has witnessed tensions, territorial disputes, and military maneuvers. Consider the role of Russia, NATO, and regional powers in shaping security dynamics. The Crimean Peninsula, annexed by Russia, remains a focal point.
3.Unresolved Conflicts Between Candidate Countries:
Geopolitical tensions persist in the Western Balkans, where several candidate countries aspire to EU membership. Colin Gray’s concept of “Inescapable Geography” is relevant here. Geography shapes political objectives and strategy.
Examine unresolved territorial disputes, historical grievances, and ethnic complexities. The EU’s enlargement process must navigate these challenges. The Western Balkans’ stability directly impacts European security. The six countries integration into the EU will tilt and strengthen the EU’s interests in Africa and the Middle East. If they are to be ready by 2030 all of them, an unlikely prospect, the geopolitical aspects of enlargement must be diffused. It follows, Macedonia and Montenegro must be part of the next enlargement round. The first to stabilise relations between Albania and Bulgaria and Greece, the second to box in the Serbians. Meanwhile, it is important to educate the politicians in the area, including Bosnia , to strengthen governance and the public administrations considerably in the WB6, and Romania and Bulgaria, and to integrate cultural diplomacy into mediation efforts in Kosovo. There are the missing persons. and all the other article six-themes which the EEAS in principle could make an inventory of project portfolio on as a mental exercise and in order to unblock and integrate with other dossiers to keep momentum towards comprehensive normalisation. What a great idea – fucking Stalin !
4.Protection of Lines of Communication:
The EU’s economic prosperity relies on secure maritime and land-based communication routes. Colin Gray’s work emphasizes the importance of geography in strategy.
Focus on critical sea lanes, such as the Mediterranean, the Baltic, and North Sea. Assess vulnerabilities, piracy threats, and energy transit routes. Consider the EU’s role in ensuring safe navigation and protecting vital infrastructure. This implies moving from coordinated maritime presence in areas of interest over a divsion of labor between EU and MS to a genuinely pugnacious expeditionary euromarfor.
5.Geopolitics and Its Meaning:
Geopolitics encompasses the study of how geography influences politics, strategy, and international relations. It considers spatial factors, resources, and power dynamics. However, the concept can be both informative and misused.
While geopolitics informs strategic decisions, it can also lead to power struggles, zero-sum thinking, and conflict. Responsible use of geopolitics involves balancing national interests with cooperation, diplomacy, and multilateralism.
Ultimately, the EU’s security lies in a nuanced approach that leverages geography while promoting stability, dialogue, and collective well-being.
Remember that geopolitical analysis evolves, and context matters. As you flesh out your argument, consider historical precedents, contemporary challenges, and the EU’s vision for a secure and integrated Europe.
Finally, the nature of contemporary strategy processes and the free float of information on the political market place constitute a challenge for idle bureaucrats. Digital diplomacy is a practice, a process and a disruption that tend to explode borders in a limitless and frontier-free environment contradicting notions of political order and the concepts employed by self-serving scoundrels to sustain themselves in office or to protect the polity’s genuinely common interests. And that is all, I have to say about the functioning of our institutions and why not all is about geopolitics.
Internal Spatial Aspects
https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/cohesion-report_en
https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/cohesion-report_en
https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/maps_en
https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-642-60180-4
https://territorialagenda.eu/wp-content/uploads/ESDP.pdf
https://cor.europa.eu/en/engage/studies/Documents/Spatial-planning-new-urban-agenda.pdf
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09654313.2019.1709416
https://www.oecd.org/italy/engaging-citizens-in-cohesion-policy-486e5a88-en.htm
External Aspects
https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199874002/obo-9780199874002-0220.xml
https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0171497
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2008950
https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Black_Sea
https://www.cambridgescholars.com/product/978-1-5275-5703-1
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2021)689371
https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49127.htm
https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-642-55227-4
https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/55819
https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/55819
https://www.csis.org/events/war-ukraine-geopolitical-implications-eurasia
https://helda.helsinki.fi/server/api/core/bitstreams/07610417-58df-4638-8067-cdfc9d795caa/content
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The Principle of Double Effect is often invoked in ethical discussions. It states that if an action has foreseeable harmful effects that are practically inseparable from the good effect, it may be justifiable under certain conditions. Here are the key criteria for applying this principle:
Uncategorised Posted on Thu, March 14, 2024 15:49:52The Principle of Double Effect is often invoked in ethical discussions. It states that if an action has foreseeable harmful effects that are practically inseparable from the good effect, it may be justifiable under certain conditions. Here are the key criteria for applying this principle:
- The nature of the act itself must be good or at least morally neutral.
- The agent intends the good effect and does not intend the bad effect, either as a means to the good or as an end in itself.
- The good effect outweighs the bad effect in circumstances sufficiently grave to justify causing the bad effect.
- The agent exercises restraint to minimisez harmful effects
In essence, the principle distinguishes between intended consequences and those that are foreseen but not directly intended. It helps evaluate the permissibility of actions when there’s a moral tension between positive and negative outcomes.
For instance, consider the act of self-defense: preserving one’s own life (intended) while also resulting in the killing of an aggressor (unintended). The principle recognizes this dual effect and provides a framework for ethical evaluation
Remember that this principle is a philosophical tool, and its application can vary based on context and interpretation
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Kolding: Er du bagud ?
Danmark Posted on Mon, March 11, 2024 10:18:01Vidensøkonomi refererer til en økonomi, hvor viden, information og innovation spiller en central rolle i produktionen af varer og tjenester. I en vidensøkonomi er fokus på forskning, teknologi og uddannelse afgørende for vækst og konkurrenceevne. Organisationen bag en god investeringsstrategi kan variere afhængigt af konteksten, men det involverer typisk en kombination af finansielle eksperter, analytikere, porteføljeforvaltere og investorer.
Når det kommer til at tiltrække udenlandske direkte investeringer (FDI), er der flere teorier og strategier:
- Lokal komparativ fordel: Byer og regioner bør identificere deres unikke styrker og specialisere sig inden for områder, hvor de har en komparativ fordel. Dette kan tiltrække udenlandske investorer, der søger specifikke ressourcer eller knowhow.
- Infrastruktur og tilgængelighed: Investorer ser efter steder med god infrastruktur, transportmuligheder og adgang til markeder. Byer og regioner bør investere i disse områder for at tiltrække FDI.
- Skatteincitamenter og regulering: Gunstige skatteforhold og en forretningsvenlig regulering kan tiltrække investorer. Byer og regioner bør overveje at tilbyde incitamenter som skattelettelser eller støtte til nye virksomheder.
- Uddannelse og arbejdskraft: Investorer søger ofte steder med veluddannet arbejdskraft. Byer og regioner bør investere i uddannelse og træning for at tiltrække FDI.
- Netværk og klynger: Byer og regioner kan opbygge netværk og klynger inden for bestemte sektorer. Dette kan tiltrække investorer, der ønsker at være en del af et dynamisk forretningsmiljø.
For Trekantområdet og Kolding kunne følgende tiltag overvejes:
- Styrkelse af uddannelsesinstitutioner: Investering i uddannelse og forskning kan tiltrække investorer, der søger kvalificeret arbejdskraft og samarbejde med akademiske institutioner.
- Infrastrukturforbedringer: Investering i veje, jernbaner, havne og digitale infrastrukturer kan gøre området mere attraktivt for investorer.
- Skabe klynger og netværk: Fremme samarbejde mellem virksomheder, forskningsinstitutioner og offentlige myndigheder kan skabe et dynamisk forretningsmiljø.
- Markedsføring og branding: Aktiv markedsføring af Trekantområdet og Kolding som attraktive investeringsdestinationer kan tiltrække opmærksomhed fra potentielle investorer.
Sammenhængen mellem vækst og investeringer er kompleks og ikke altid entydig. Investeringer kan bidrage til vækst gennem øget produktivitet, jobskabelse og teknologisk udvikling. Dog er det vigtigt at overvåge og evaluere investeringernes effektivitet.
Policy-konkurrencen om FDI handler om, hvordan lande og regioner konkurrerer om at tiltrække udenlandske investeringer ved at tilbyde gunstige politikker, skattefordele og incitamenter. Det kan føre til en positiv cirkel, hvor investeringer tiltrækker flere investeringer.
Endelig er det vigtigt at tage højde for både teoretiske og praktiske indsigter, når man udvikler en investeringsstrategi. Dette kan omfatte forståelse af globale økonomiske tendenser, teknologiske fremskridt og politiske risici.
Evalueringen af investeringers effektivitet er afgørende for at forstå deres indvirkning og træffe informerede beslutninger. Her er nogle metoder og nøglepunkter for at evaluere investeringer:
- Økonomisk afkast (ROI): Dette er en grundlæggende måling af, hvor meget en investering har givet i forhold til dens omkostninger. Det beregnes som:
[ ROI = \frac{{(Fortjeneste – Omkostning)}}{{Omkostning}} \times 100% ]
Højere ROI indikerer bedre effektivitet.
- Nettonutidsværdi (NPV): NPV beregner nutidsværdien af fremtidige kontantstrømme fra en investering. En positiv NPV betyder, at investeringen er rentabel:
[ NPV = \sum \frac{{CF_t}}{{(1 + r)^t}} – I ]
Hvor:
- (CF_t) er kontantstrømmen i år (t).
- (r) er diskonteringsrenten.
- (I) er den oprindelige investering.
- Intern rente (IRR): IRR er den rente, der gør NPV lig nul. Det repræsenterer den forventede årlige afkast på investeringen.
- Payback-periode: Dette er den tid, det tager at generere tilstrækkeligt overskud til at dække den oprindelige investering. Kortere payback-perioder er normalt bedre.
- Samfundsøkonomisk analyse: Ud over økonomisk afkast bør man også overveje bredere samfundsfordele, såsom jobskabelse, miljøpåvirkning og sociale faktorer.
- Risikovurdering: Evalueringen bør også omfatte risikoen ved investeringen. Dette kan gøres ved at analysere sandsynligheden for tab og potentielle konsekvenser.
- Benchmarking: Sammenlign investeringens resultater med branchestandarder eller konkurrenter.
- Kvalitative faktorer: Overvej ikke-målbare faktorer som strategisk betydning, image og langsigtede virkninger.
Husk, at evalueringen af investeringer skal tilpasses den specifikke kontekst og mål. Der findes ingen universel metode, og det er vigtigt at bruge flere tilgange for en mere nuanceret vurdering.
Udenlandske investeringer er eftertragtede af mange kommuner, regioner og lande i Europa. De skaber videntunge job, styrker lokale kompetenceklynger og øger eksport og konkurrenceevne. Lad os udforske nogle strategier og erfaringer:
- Danske kommuner og Invest in Denmark:
- Invest in Denmark har årligt skabt eller fastholdt over 1000 arbejdspladser i danske kommuner siden 2008. Et eksempel er det kinesiske vindmøllefirma Envision Energy, der etablerede sig i Silkeborg Kommune i 2010. Virksomheden har et globalt innovationscenter og fokuserer på havvindmølleudvikling .
- Udenlandske virksomheder spiller en stor rolle i dansk økonomi, beskæftiger 20% af den private arbejdsstyrke og står for 27% af eksporten .
- Teoretikere og offentlig politik:
- John Maynard Keynes: Keynesiansk økonomi har haft stor indflydelse på offentlige politikker. Keynes argumenterede for, at regeringen bør intervenere i økonomien gennem finanspolitik (f.eks. offentlige investeringer og skatteændringer) for at bekæmpe arbejdsløshed og stimulere vækst.
- Milton Friedman: Friedman, en fortaler for monetarisme, påpegede vigtigheden af pengepolitik og faste regler for centralbanker. Hans tanker har påvirket centralbankers beslutninger og inflationstargeting.
- Amartya Sen: Sen’s arbejde om menneskelig udvikling og kapabiliteter har inspireret politikker, der fokuserer på mere end blot økonomisk vækst. Hans tilgang har påvirket udviklingspolitikker og målinger af velfærd.
- Politisk formål og teoretikere:
- Robert D. Putnam: Putnams teori om social kapital og betydningen af sociale netværk har implikationer for politikker, der fremmer samfundssammenhæng og tillid.
- Elinor Ostrom: Ostroms arbejde om fællesressourcer og decentral styring har inspireret politikker om lokalt ejerskab og samarbejde.
- Thomas Piketty: Pikettys forskning om ulighed og kapitalakkumulation har ført til diskussioner om skattepolitik og omfordeling.
Disse teoretikere har bidraget til at forme politikker og politiske mål på forskellige områder, og deres indsigter er relevante for offentlige beslutningstagere.
OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), EU (European Union) og IMF (International Monetary Fund) har alle fokus på udenlandske direkte investeringer (FDI) og politikker, der kan fremme dem. Lad os se på deres perspektiver:
- OECD:
- OECD overvåger og analyserer FDI-statistikker og tendenser. I Q3 2023 steg de globale FDI-strømme med 36% sammenlignet med Q2, men på grund af et svagt andet kvartal i år forblev de globale FDI-strømme i de første ni måneder af 2023 15% under niveauerne registreret i de første ni måneder af 2022.
- OECD-lande oplevede en stigning i FDI-strømme i Q3 2023, men over de første ni måneder af 2023 var FDI-strømme til OECD-lande 25% lavere end samme periode i 2022.
- OECD fokuserer på at forstå, hvordan politikker kan tiltrække FDI og skabe gunstige betingelser for investorer .
- EU:
- EU har en fælles politik for FDI-screening. I 2022 oplevede EU et fald i FDI-strømme sammenlignet med 2021, primært på grund af disinvesteringer i Luxembourg. Andre store FDI-modtagere som Kina og USA registrerede også mindre FDI-indstrømninger i 2022 .
- EU arbejder på at beskytte strategisk vigtige sektorer og sikre gennemsigtighed i FDI-processen.
- IMF:
- IMF overvåger også FDI-strømme og analyserer deres indvirkning på økonomierne. De fremhæver vigtigheden af stabile politiske rammer, retfærdig konkurrence og beskyttelse af investorer.
- IMF understreger også, at FDI kan bidrage til økonomisk vækst, teknologisk udvikling og jobskabelse, men det er afgørende at have effektive politikker for at maksimere disse fordele.
Samlet set er kloge og effektive FDI-politikker afgørende for at tiltrække investeringer, fremme økonomisk vækst og styrke konkurrenceevnen.
- Effects of EU Commission’s Policies:
- The EU’s investment policies have had several effects:
- Attracting Investment: The EU is a top global destination for foreign investment, benefiting both host countries and home countries.
- Level Playing Field: EU policies aim to secure a level playing field for EU investors abroad, ensuring fair treatment and non-discrimination.
- Sustainable Development: Investment policies encourage sustainable development, respect for human rights, and high labor and environmental standards.
- Investment Facilitation: Efforts are made to create a transparent and predictable business environment for investors.
- The EU’s investment policies have had several effects:
- EU Policies for Investment Promotion:
- The EU has implemented various policies to promote investment:
- Screening Framework for Foreign Direct Investment: Ensures that EU investors abroad are not discriminated against.
- Investment Agreements: Facilitate setting up enterprises and protect established investments.
- Monitoring and Assessment: Risks from outbound investments are assessed.
- EU Participation in International Fora: Collaborates globally on investment-related matters.
- The EU has implemented various policies to promote investment:
- Areas Attracting Foreign Investments in the EU:
- Some regions that attract significant foreign investments include:
- Map of Areas Attracting Foreign Investments:
Remember to consult additional sources for in-depth analysis and up-to-date information.
På denne baggrund anbefaler jeg, at Trekantsområdet og Kolding begynder at tage det alvorligt med at formulere en vækst- og investeringsstrategi, og sikrer at samspillet fungerer bedre.
Det skal sammenholdes med Invest in Denmark’s råd til den velforberedte kommune.
Hvad har den velforberedte kommune klar
på hylderne?
Selvom alle potentielle investorer har behov for skræddersyede informationer, er der en række gennemgående behov, som den enkelte kommune med fordel kan have forberedt én gang for alle.
1 Kort info om by/kommune gerne
med tal for arbejdsstyrke, uddan-
nelsesniveau, vækst i kommunen, be-
skæftigelsesprocent, skoler (inkl. frem-
medsprog), transport & infrastruktur mv.
2 Korte beskrivelser af kommunens
kompetenceklynger f.eks. uddan-
nelsesinstitutioner, videntunge virksom-
heder, eventuelle beskæftigelsespro-
grammer, f.eks. for bestemte typer nyligt
afskedigede faglærte – og husk også
nabokommuners og -regioners kompeten-
cer, fordi ingen udenlandsk virksomhed
tænker i snævre kommunale grænser.
3 Oversigt over relevante netværk
f.eks. brancheorganisationer,
forsknings- og innovationsnetværk,
klynger, væksthuse – og også gerne
netværk for udlændinge, medfølgende
ægtefæller mv.
4 Oversigt over gennemsnitspriser
for leje/køb af grunde og erhvervsejendomme, gerne med konkrete
eksempler.
5 Oversigt over lokale støttemulig-
heder, f.eks. byggemodning,
uddannelse, infrastruktur.
6 Oversigt over lokale advokater,
ejendomsmæglere, revisorer etc.
7 Oversigt over kontaktpunkter i
kommunen – typisk erhvervs-
fremmeafdelingen og gerne med
navngiven kontaktperson.
8 Oversigt over andre, allerede
etablerede udenlandske virksom-
heder i kommunen. Og husk at alt
materiale inklusive informationer på hjemmesider til
udenlandske virksomheder bør være
på engelsk.
One-stop shop for udenlandske virksomheder i hver kommune
Det er en god service at skabe et tydeligt kontaktpunkt i kommunen for udenlandske
virksomheder, meget gerne i form af en navngivet person, f.eks. erhvervschefen. Den
udenlandske investor har ingen forudsætninger for at manøvrere i en dansk forvaltning,
og slet ikke på dansk.
For Invest in Denmark er det også en stor hjælp i analyse- og kortlægningsarbejdet, at
kommunen har opstillet en simpel lokal ’vejviser’ til de personer og afdelinger i kommu-
nen, som kan blive involveret i en udenlandsk investering.
https://www.oecd.org/investment/statistics.htm
https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52023SC0329
https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/SPROLLS/direct-investment
https://publications.jrc.ec.europa.eu/repository/handle/JRC111373
https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/help-exporters-and-importers/accessing-markets/investment_en
https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/investment-plan/
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2022-0166_EN.html
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The European Union has a strategic approach to its engagement in the Asia-Pacific. Let’s explore the principles and parameters of the EU’s Asia policy:
Uncategorised Posted on Mon, March 11, 2024 02:40:54- Principles of EU’s Asia Policy:
- Rules-Based Order: The EU promotes a rules-based international order grounded in shared values, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
- Inclusive Cooperation: The EU engages in long-term, principled multilateral cooperation with Asian partners.
- Commitment to Democracy: The EU advocates for resilient forms of democracy and democratic governance in the region.
- Respect for Human Rights: Upholding human rights is a fundamental principle in EU-Asia relations.
- Parameters for Review:
- China Relations: Managing the EU’s relationship with an assertive China using a multifaceted approach.
- Strategic Partnerships: Deepening ties with strategic partners such as India, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN.
- Indo-Pacific Focus: Reinforcing the EU’s presence and actions in the Indo-Pacific.
- Afghanistan Support: Continuing partnership and support for the Afghan people.
- Engagement with DPRK: Maintaining critical engagement with North Korea.
- Rohingya Crisis: Addressing root causes and facilitating the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar.
- Connectivity: Building sustainable transport, digital, energy, and people-to-people networks between Europe and Asia.
- From Asia-Pacific to Asia Strategy:
- Shift in Focus: Transitioning from a broader Asia-Pacific strategy to a more targeted Asia strategy.
- Reasons for Shift:
- Geopolitical Dynamics: Rising challenges and tensions in the Indo-Pacific.
- Trade and Supply Chains: Ensuring stability amid trade tensions and supply chain disruptions.
- Security Concerns: Addressing security threats in the region.
- Ensuring EU’s Role:
- Principled Engagement: The EU’s commitment to shared values and multilateral cooperation remains unchanged.
- Long-Term Approach: Sustained engagement for stability, security, and prosperity.
- Human Security: Prioritizing the well-being of people in the region.
In summary, the EU’s Asia strategy emphasizes cooperation, stability, and adherence to democratic principles. By focusing on Asia and the Indo-Pacific and maintaining a principled approach, the EU aims to be a force for positive change in Asia’s growth and stability.
The European Union (EU) maintains a multifaceted engagement with China, focusing on both trade and security matters. Let’s delve into the specifics:
- Trade Relations:
- Open Trading Relations: The EU is committed to open trade with China.
- Expectations from China:
- Fair Trade Practices: China is expected to adhere to fair trade practices.
- Intellectual Property Rights: Respect for intellectual property rights.
- WTO Obligations: Fulfill its obligations as a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
- Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI):
- Negotiated in 2020, the CAI aims to grant EU investors greater access to China’s market.
- Not yet ratified or in force.
- Covers market access, state-owned enterprises, subsidies, and technology transfer.
- Sets high standards for transparency and sustainable development.
- EU continues work on autonomous measures related to subsidies and due diligence.
- Security and Human Rights:
- Human Rights Dialogue: The EU resumed the Human Rights Dialogue with China in 2023.
- One China Policy: The EU reaffirms its consistent One China policy.
- Taiwan Strait Tensions: The EU expresses concerns about increased tensions in the Taiwan Strait.
- Long-Term Bilateral Relations:
- Investment Agreement: The EU-China Investment Agreement ensures fairer treatment for EU companies in China.
- Transparency and Level Playing Field: Commitments cover state-owned enterprises, subsidies, and technology transfer.
- Sustainable Development: Provisions address climate and forced labor.
In summary, the EU engages with China through principled trade relations, investment agreements, and dialogues on human rights and security. Balancing economic interests with values remains a priority for the EU in its interactions with China.
EU’s Strategic Partnerships with Japan, India, and South Korea:
- Japan:
- Drivers and Outcomes:
- Geopolitical Interests: Shared commitment to a rules-based international order.
- Economic Cooperation: Collaboration on trade, investment, and technology.
- Security Cooperation: Joint naval exercises, counter-terrorism efforts.
- Limitations: Geopolitical value remains modest in the Asia-Pacific context.
- Example: EU-Japan cooperation in Operation Atalanta near the Horn of Africa.
- Drivers and Outcomes:
- India:
- Drivers and Outcomes:
- Strategic Partnership: Strengthening economic ties and addressing global challenges.
- Digital Cooperation: Enhancing digital collaboration and sustainable extraction of raw materials.
- Limitations: Geopolitical impact still primarily economic.
- Example: EU-India Digital Partnership Agreement.
- Drivers and Outcomes:
- South Korea:
- Drivers and Outcomes:
- Strategic Choice: Prioritizing negotiation and strategic decisions.
- Security Cooperation: Participation in regional navy exercises.
- Limitations: Similar modest geopolitical value in the Asia-Pacific context.
- Example: Cooperation in maritime security and cybersecurity.
- Drivers and Outcomes:
Way Forward:
- Conclusion of SPA and EPA:
- Strategic Partnership Agreements (SPA):
- Strengthen political dialogue, security cooperation, and economic ties.
- Address shared challenges such as climate change and terrorism.
- Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA):
- Facilitate trade, investment, and sustainable development.
- Enhance connectivity and supply chains.
- Strategic Partnership Agreements (SPA):
- Role of ASEM Framework:
- Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM):
- Informal Platform: Dialogue and cooperation between Asia and Europe.
- Global Weight: Represents 65% of global GDP, 60% of global population, and significant trade and tourism.
- Multilateral Solutions: Upholds international law and promotes regional stability.
- Examples: Joint efforts on cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, and connectivity.
- Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM):
- Strengthening ASEM:
- Policy Ideas: Foster exchange of ideas and best practices.
- Smart Security Enabler: Use advanced member state capabilities to build partners’ capacities.
- Economic Cooperation: Collaborate on sustainable raw material extraction and digital technologies.
Relevance of Other Multilateral Frameworks:
- ASEAN: EU’s strategic partnership with ASEAN enhances security cooperation and economic ties.
- SAARC: Cooperation with South Asian countries on regional stability and development.
- Other Bilateral and Regional Agreements: EU’s engagement with China, Russia, and other Asian partners.
In summary, the EU’s strategic partnerships with Japan, India, and South Korea are vital for stability, economic growth, and addressing global challenges. Strengthening ASEM and other multilateral frameworks ensures a cooperative and rules-based international system.
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/china/european-union-and-china_en?s=166
https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10308-008-0210-2
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2018/628265/EPRS_BRI%282018%29628265_EN.pdf
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Jeg Protesterer !
Uncategorised Posted on Fri, March 01, 2024 15:31:59
I en tale for lang tid siden citerede Richard von Weiszäcker dette jødiske ordsprog for sit publikum: ”At glemme forlænger eksilet. Frelsens hemmelighed hedder erindring”. Pointen var, at Tysklands selvmord på Europa gik gennem soning med sine jødiske ofre.
Marco Evrastti, en dansk-chilensk har et andet take. Siden 2007 har hans kunstværk Rolexgate, der forestiller banegården til Auschwitz, været udstillet i kælderen på Galleri Trapholdt, som et momento om ikke at gentage historien. Den er som bekendt lavet af guldtænder, nogle af hvilke stammer fra Holocaust-offre. Det er på den måde at kunstneren ønsker at meditere over sin skæbne og sin tro og det tomrum, folkedrabet på jøderne har efterladt i Europa. Han er i dag konverteret til buddishmen. Der er ingen tvivl om, at jødernes lidelser ikke er slut endnu, men er det ensbetydende at vi skal blive hængende i konceptkunst og installationer ?
Lad mig ikke spare min ord: Det er det mest bizarre museums-stykke jeg har set i mands minde.
Selvfølgelig er Dostojevskijs Optegnelser fra Kælderdybet baseret på begyndelsen på afviklingen af en fortid, en fortid der forekommer stadigt mere afgørende og oprindelig, jo længere disse værker kommer på afstand af den. Tinderne kommer nærmere, eftersom bjergbestigernes horisont udvider sig, fortæller René Girard i sin bog Fra Dobbelt-gænger til Enhed om Dostojevskij. Det retfærdiggører opstillingen, hvis formålet måtte være at opforde koldingenserne til sandhedssøgen om byen, til at blive sig selv, at komme hinanden mere ved, at være mindre autonome, bedre organiseret. Trapholt provokerer så at sige byrådet til at træde i karakter og føre 6.k op til sin maksimale ydekraft. Guderne skal vide der findes både tonedøve og tunge i røven-typer i byen ved siden af den driftige handelsstand, som tænger til et spark bagi. Trapholt bitcher byen. Få så fingeren ud, Kolding !
Da Rolexgate blev udstillet for første gang, inden den blev anskaffet af Trapholt i 2007 mødte det overalt på massiv kritik. Kombinationen af luxus og symbolet på folkedrabet på jøderne var kontroversiel. Brugen af menneskelige rester fra jøder vakte tilsvarende forargelse. Evraistti’s mål var at kritisere Schweiz’ rolle i Holocaust ved at exponere spænd-ningen mellem velstand, tid og historisk trauma. Jødiske organisatiner reagerede på udstillingen af værket med bekymirng og uro, opfordring til dialog, kritik af kunsterens valg samt anerkendelse af kunstens betydning.
Det er næppe det eneste problem. Problemet er, at for at løse et politisk og bureakratisk problem i Kolding er Trapholt fastholdt i en forbigangen æras koncepter om installations-kunst, der dels mangler kvalitet dels er utilstrækkeligt forankret og foryer tradtionen. Rabbi Nilton Bonder i sin bog Immoral Soul minder os om, at ved gendannelsen af Israel, at vi skal skabe noget nyt og rigtigt i stedet for at engagere os i politiske eventyr. Blandt den frygt der plager det kollektivt ubevidste, indtager frygten for ikke at indfrie sæden en særlig plads blandt jøderne.
Det minder os om, hvordan hormoner og gener forenet med vor sanselighed, følelser og familiebånd betinger os. Jeremias minder os om , at den guddommelige ild der nærer et menneskes indre både kan betinge en profets sjæl og et behov for at udtrykke den. Jeremias var ikke på niveau og havde ej heller modet og dristigheden til at samle Israel forenet med en gennemtænkt plan for at forene landet. Og dog så blev han det foretrukne offer for samtidens jødiske samfunds dekadence. Man drev ham ud på fortvivlsens rand, fortalte ham jeg knepper din mor, den lesbiske møgluder. Men selv efter at Israel påny var ødelagt forblev Jeremias med sine fontæner af tårer husket og værdsat af folket. I Verdis opera Nabucco hører vi det jødiske slavekor synge disse linier:
Va’, pensiero, sull’ali dorate;
Va, ti posa sui clivi, sui colli,
ove olezzano tepide e molli
l’aure dolci del suolo natal!,
På dansk:
Gå, tanker på gyldne vinger
Gå, slå jer ned på skråninger og bakkedrag
Hvor varmt og blødt og velduftende er
Den søde brise af vor hjemland!
Den gælder som Italiens uofficielle nationalsang, fortalte min ven Tullio Ciampa mig engang, men tiderne hvor Østrig undertrykte italienerne er forlængst ovre. Han giftede sig i øvrigt langt senere med sin Valentina Tremante, en sicililianer med alt hvad dette indebærer.
Men man kan ikke vælge at være Guds folk. Man er udvalgt. I det mindste indtil omfattende fred i Mellemøsten er brudt ud, og Israel forsonet med sine naboer og sin historie ved at blive integreret i denne omskiftelige og ustabile naboregion til Europa. Forstillingen om at jøderne er et udvalgt folk stammer eftersigende fra, valget af hvem der er den bedre hyrde og bliver ophøjet og dertil valgt til at lede flokken. Og det er alt hvad jeg har at sige om forskellen mellem at støtte politikken og at forme den. For vi er tjenere.
Lachaim -Abrahamsen!
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Armenia-Azerbaijan Comprehensive Peace Agreement
Uncategorised Posted on Tue, February 27, 2024 03:49:36Preamble
The Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan, hereinafter referred to as the “Parties,” guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter and relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs), and recognizing the need for lasting peace and stability in the South Caucasus region, hereby enter into this comprehensive peace agreement.
Article 1: Territorial Integrity and Borders
- The Parties reaffirm their commitment to the territorial integrity of each other, in accordance with UNSCRs 822, 853, 874, and 884.
- The existing international borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan shall be respected and maintained, with the exception of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions, which shall be addressed through negotiations.
Article 2: Establishment of Diplomatic Relations
- The Parties establish full diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level.
- Embassies shall be opened in the capitals of Yerevan and Baku within six months of signing this agreement.
Article 3: Nagorno-Karabakh Negotiations
- The status of Nagorno-Karabakh shall be addressed through negotiations, with the active participation of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs, and BSEC.
- The Parties commit to engaging in good faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable solution, taking into account the interests of all affected communities.
- Compensation for lost property and reparations for affected individuals shall be part of the negotiation agenda.
- The rights and security of minorities in Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding areas shall be guaranteed.
Article 4: Return of Displaced Persons
- The Parties shall facilitate the safe and voluntary return of displaced persons to their original places of residence, in accordance with UNSCR 874.
- The border commission shall consider the impact of population movements on territorial claims and address issues related to property rights.
Article 5: Areas of Cooperation
- The Parties shall promote economic cooperation, trade, and infrastructure development. Specific areas of cooperation include:
- Telecommunications: Joint efforts to enhance connectivity and digital infrastructure.
- Transportation: Collaborating on road, rail, and air transport projects.
- Energy: Exploring joint energy initiatives and renewable energy sources.
- Cultural Exchange: Encouraging people-to-people interactions and cultural programs.
Article 6: Dispute Mechanisms
- The Parties agree to establish a Dispute Resolution Mechanism to address any disagreements arising from the implementation of this agreement.
- The mechanism shall include mediation, arbitration, and consultation processes.
- The OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs may be invited to assist in dispute resolution when necessary.
Annex I: Border Commission
- The border commission shall consist of representatives from both Parties and international experts.
- Its mandate includes:
- Demarcating the borders between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including Nagorno-Karabakh.
- Identifying areas of dispute.
- Proposing solutions for disputed territories.
- Ensuring transparency and adherence to international norms.
This comprehensive peace agreement aims to address the complex issues surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh while fostering cooperation and stability in the region. Further negotiations and detailed agreements will be necessary to implement the provisions outlined above.
Zangezur Corridor
The Zangezur corridor is a concept that has gained prominence since the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. It revolves around the idea of creating a transport corridor that would connect Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic (an exclave of Azerbaijan) and, in a broader sense, link Turkey to the rest of the Turkic world through Armenia’s Syunik Province.
Here are some key points about the Zangezur corridor:
- Purpose and Controversy:
- The corridor aims to provide unimpeded access for Azerbaijan to Nakhchivan without having to pass through Armenian checkpoints.
- It has been promoted by Azerbaijan and Turkey, while Armenia has consistently objected to it, considering it a form of propaganda.
- The terminology, potential routes, and modes of transport connections have been points of contention between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which have maintained a mutual blockade since 1989.
- Historical Context:
- Zangezur was originally a district created by the Russian Empire in 1868, covering an area that now corresponds to the southern part of Armenia.
- The area of Syunik/Zangezur was disputed between the first republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan between 1918 and 1920 after the collapse of the Russian Empire.
- Recent Developments:
- Azerbaijan has initiated construction projects on its territory, presenting them as part of the implementation of the so-called Zangezur corridor.
- During 2021 trilateral talks, Armenia expressed willingness to participate in rebuilding the Soviet-era railway links historically connecting Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan, which Azerbaijan interpreted as Armenian consent to the corridor.
- However, Russia has emphasized that the discussions are about unblocking regional communications, not necessarily creating a corridor.
- International Perspectives:
- Some view the Zangezur corridor as a pan-Turkist agenda, while others emphasize the need to resolve the blockade.
- Russia’s role as a security guarantor for the route has also been highlighted.
Gazakh Conflict
The Gazakh conflict is another historical dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Here are the key points:
- Background:
- Gazakh is a region in northwestern Azerbaijan, bordering Armenia.
- The conflict over Gazakh dates back to the early 20th century, with territorial claims and tensions between the two countries.
- Territorial Dispute:
- Gazakh has been a point of contention, with both sides asserting historical and cultural ties to the region.
- The collapse of the Soviet Union exacerbated the dispute, leading to clashes and territorial claims.
- Current Situation:
- Gazakh remains a disputed area, and its status is yet to be fully resolved.
- The conflict has implications for regional stability and relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
In summary, both the Zangezur corridor and the Gazakh conflict are complex issues with historical roots. Resolving these disputes requires careful diplomacy, cooperation, and respect for international agreements.
Resolving territorial disputes and historical conflicts between nations requires a delicate balance of diplomacy, cooperation, and goodwill. Here are some steps that can contribute to peaceful resolution:
- Dialogue and Diplomacy:
- Engage in Constructive Talks: Both Armenia and Azerbaijan should commit to sustained dialogue. High-level negotiations, facilitated by international mediators, can help find common ground.
- Track Record of Diplomatic Efforts: Build upon existing diplomatic efforts, such as the OSCE Minsk Group’s mediation role in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
- International Involvement:
- Mediation and Facilitation: Involve neutral third parties, international organizations, and neighboring countries to mediate and facilitate negotiations.
- UN and Regional Organizations: Leverage the United Nations and regional bodies (such as the European Union) to provide a platform for dialogue and dispute resolution such as EUSR Toovio Klar.
- Legal Framework and Agreements:
- Refer to International Law: Base negotiations on established principles of international law, including respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity, and human rights.
- Peace Agreements: Develop comprehensive peace agreements that address territorial claims, minority rights, and economic cooperation.
- Specific Measures for Nagorno-Karabakh:
- Status Quo: Maintain the current ceasefire and avoid escalations.
- Return of Displaced Persons: Facilitate the safe return of displaced individuals.
- Joint Economic Projects: Explore joint economic initiatives that benefit both sides.
- Zangezur Corridor and Gazakh Conflict:
- Zangezur Corridor: Address the corridor issue through negotiations, considering historical context and regional interests.
- Gazakh Conflict: Engage in talks specifically addressing Gazakh, seeking mutually acceptable solutions.
- People-to-People Initiatives:
- Cultural Exchange: Promote cultural exchanges, educational programs, and people-to-people interactions to build trust and understanding.
- Public Awareness and Education:
- Inform the Public: Educate citizens about the importance of peaceful resolution and the benefits of cooperation.
- Media Responsibility: Encourage responsible reporting to avoid inflammatory narratives.
- Long-Term Commitment:
- Patience and Persistence: Understand that lasting peace takes time. Commit to sustained efforts beyond short-term gains.
Remember that peace is a collective endeavor, and it requires the commitment of governments, civil society, and individuals. By fostering understanding, empathy, and compromise, we can work toward a more stable and harmonious future in the region.
What is role of the Council of Europe ?
The Council of Europe (CoE) plays a crucial role in upholding human rights, democracy, and the rule of law across the European continent. Let’s delve into its functions and relevance:
- Mission and Goals:
- The CoE, founded in 1949, brings together 46 member states with a combined population of approximately 675 million as of 2023.
- Its primary objectives include promoting:
- Human Rights: Ensuring respect for fundamental rights and freedoms.
- Democracy: Supporting democratic institutions and practices.
- Rule of Law: Upholding legal principles and justice.
- Distinct from the European Union (EU):
- Although often confused with the EU, the CoE serves a different purpose.
- No country has ever joined the EU without first belonging to the CoE.
- The CoE focuses on broader European cooperation beyond economic integration.
- Key Bodies within the CoE:
- European Court of Human Rights (ECHR):
- Operates based on the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) of 1953.
- Individuals can bring cases against member states for human rights violations.
- Committee of Ministers:
- Comprises foreign ministers from each member state.
- Coordinates policies and monitors compliance with CoE agreements.
- Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE):
- Composed of national parliamentarians from member states.
- Discusses and debates various issues, including human rights and democracy.
- Commissioner for Human Rights:
- Promotes awareness of and respect for human rights within member states.
- European Court of Human Rights (ECHR):
- Role in International Agreements:
- The CoE cannot make laws but can advocate for the enforcement of select international agreements.
- It provides a platform for member states to collaborate on legal, cultural, and social matters.
- The CoE is an official United Nations Observer.
- Zangezur Corridor and Gazakh Conflict:
- The CoE can facilitate dialogue and promote adherence to international conventions.
- It encourages peaceful resolution of territorial disputes.
- Azerbaijan’s willingness to compensate the Karabakhis aligns with CoE principles of human rights and reconciliation,i.e. Aliev is conscious about he is committing ethnic cleansing. Like in Kosovo, this pits Islam against Christianity.
In summary, the CoE serves as a vital forum for European nations to address shared challenges, protect human rights, and foster cooperation. Its work extends beyond economic considerations, emphasizing values that contribute to a stable and just Europe. The Council of Europe is still to pronounce itself on the dispute. Apparently the organisations’ General-secretary prefers to hub-nub with leaders. Do you have an opinion about that ?
What is the role of the BSEC ?
The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) emerged as a distinctive and promising model of multilateral political and economic collaboration. It was established through the Istanbul Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement, signed by the Heads of State and Government of the countries in the region on June 25, 1992. The organization aims to foster cooperation and development in the Black Sea region.
During the Turkish presidency, the BSEC has indeed witnessed efforts to enhance its role and impact. Turkey has actively supported initiatives aimed at ensuring peace and prosperity in the Black Sea area. President Erdoğan emphasized Turkey’s commitment to this cause during the 25th Anniversary Summit of the BSEC Heads of State and Government, where he stated that turning the BSEC into a worldwide organization is a collective achievement of its member states.
However, it’s essential to recognize that the BSEC faces challenges due to political disputes among some member states. These disagreements can hinder the organization’s effectiveness. President Erdoğan has emphasized the need to utilize the BSEC as a tool for problem-solving, avoiding unproductive political debates.
Regarding the situation in Gazakh, it’s crucial to consider diplomatic mediation. Comanescu, as a potential mediator, could play a significant role in facilitating dialogue between the parties involved. Turkey’s support for Gazakh underscores its interest in regional stability and cooperation. A diplomatic approach, backed by both Turkey and Comanescu, may contribute to finding peaceful solutions and promoting mutual understanding.
In summary, the BSEC’s authority has indeed been strengthened during the Turkish BSEC presidency, and diplomatic efforts, including mediation by Comanescu, could be valuable in addressing regional challenges. More could be done to strengthen the BSEC ahead of the policy review of the EU’s fledlging Black Sea strategy, which is not a mere prolongation of Turkey’s equivocation between Ukraine and Russia.
Peace and reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey could contribute to both unblocking the stalled negotiations betwen Azerbaijan and Armenia, and be conducive to a strengthening of the BSEC as a prealable to the forging of a unit in the EEAS endowed with more means to better lubricate the policy-machinery vis-a-vis the EU’s sub-regionals, included the BSEC. We want European policies not bilateral ones led by France, Germany and Turkey onto which scarce funds and disparate projects are grafted. I might add, while the Eu’s strategy towards the Middle East is not as comprehensive as I personally could wish for, the European Union have an inherent interest in a stable Middle East satisfying our energy supply interests and keeping Israel safe and secure. That is also to say, we are not into tripwires of the wrong sort and of tempting Teheran beyond reason in order to justify regional war for the tactical purpose of playing people out against each other at the expense of the Palestinean’s legitimate interests. Policy right now is to contain wider conflict through coordinated action in Gaza and the South Caucasus. Stronger and better coordination should follow. I note UNSCR2272 is sufficiently broad to allow for offensive action act against both challenges to peace and security and threats to navigational safety, athough it is unclear to which extent the force packages and will of the naval commandars and participating states in Operation Propserity Guardian and in the EU’s Aspidis are robust enough to weigh in on wider regional concerns to ensure effective crisis management.
In addition, better coordination between EUSR Klar and Turkey behind the scenes to steer a series of bilateral negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Moscow, Istanbul , Bucuresti, Paris and Bruxelles might come handy.
Having said that, I agree with that the EU and the US positions are converging on Iran, even if we dont have identical interests. The US want to prevent two-front war, the EU to deter authoritarian states from coalescing. The US is interested in shaping an international environment in the Middle East conducive to peace and the accession of Turkey to EU, while the EU is not curently capable of much more than enabling stabilisation and at the same time have interests of its own that are more intensive due to geography and its enlargement strategy. This begs the question: Should the EU and Israel talk more together about post-war security architectures and in whose peace a limited strike could be conducted after all avenues have been exhausted for the creation of a stable regional order, disrupted by the Iranian revolution and made worse by the Iraq war ?
https://www.echr.coe.int/documents/d/echr/guidelines_p16_eng
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2023/747919/EPRS_BRI(2023)747919_EN.pdf
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Vision 4.0
Danmark Posted on Sat, February 24, 2024 23:07:21Kolding Kommunes Vision 3.0, “Sammen designer vi livet”, har et særligt fokus på ”at lykkes sammen”. Denne vision fremhæver vigtigheden af samarbejde mellem borgere, virksomheder og aktører, der bidrager til udvikling af lokalområder. Design er en integreret del af denne vision, og det er nærværende, kan ses og mærkes i hele Kolding Kommune.
Når Venstre atter kommer til magten vil der ske en opdatering af Vision 3.0 til 4.0. Venstre ved du hvor du har, og nu hvor fundamentet er lagt, er det vigtigt at tænke tanker og skue fremad. Venstre’s snus-fornuftige grundholdning er, at uden industrielle muskler er grøn omstilling ikke muligt. Uden økono-misk vækst, intet politisk fremskridt.
For at opdatere og styrke Vision 3.0 til en 4.0 version, kunne man overveje følgende tiltag:
- Styrkelse af designperspektivet: Vision 3.0 har allerede et stærkt fokus på design. Dette kunne styrkes yderligere ved at integrere nyeste designmetoder og -teknologier i kommunens arbejde.
- Øget borgerinddragelse: Selvom Vision 3.0 allerede lægger vægt på samarbejde, kunne borgerinddragelsen styrkes. Dette kunne ske gennem workshops, borgermøder eller digitale platforme, hvor borgerne kan bidrage med ideer og feedback.
- Bæredygtighed: Med tanke på de globale udfordringer, vi står overfor, kunne bæredygtighed blive et centralt element i Vision 4.0. Dette kunne omfatte alt fra grøn infrastruktur til bæredygtig virksomhedsudvikling.
- Digital transformation: I takt med den teknologiske udvikling, kunne digital transformation blive et nøgleelement i Vision 4.0. Dette kunne omfatte alt fra digitalisering af kommunale tjenester til brug af data til at forbedre byplanlægning og service.
Disse forslag er kun generelle ideer og vil kræve yderligere undersøgelser og diskussioner med relevante interessenter for at sikre, at de er i tråd med Kolding Kommunes unikke behov og mål.
Kolding Kommune står over for flere udfordringer, herunder:
- Bæredygtighed: Kolding Kommune har en ambitiøs bæredygtighedsstrategi. Udfordringen ligger i at implementere denne strategi effektivt og opnå de fastsatte mål inden for den angivne tidsramme.
- Grøn omstilling: Kolding arbejder målrettet med at fremme den grønne omstilling2. Dette indebærer en række udfordringer, herunder at minimere CO2-udledningen, fremme cirkulær økonomi, og skabe bæredygtige fællesskaber.
- Fødevaresikkerhed: Med en stigende befolkningsvækst og klimaændringer er fødevaresikkerhed en væsentlig udfordring. Dette inkluderer at tackle problemet med madspild, som udgør omkring 1/3 af fødevareproduktionen.
- Økonomisk robusthed: Selvom Kolding Kommunes økonomi er robust, er der stadig udfordringer forbundet med at overholde budgetterne og minimere overførsler til personer, såsom kontanthjælp, dagpenge og førtidspension.
Disse udfordringer kræver en koordineret indsats fra alle sektorer i kommunen samt aktiv deltagelse fra borgere, virksomheder og uddannelsesinstitutioner.
Kolding Kommune har mange muligheder, herunder:
- Selvbetjening: Kolding Kommune tilbyder en række selvbetjeningsløsninger, der gør det nemt for borgere at få adgang til kommunale tjenester.
- Hjælp i hjemmet: Kolding Kommune tilbyder hjælp i hjemmet til ældre og handicappede borgere, der har svært ved at klare daglige gøremål.
- Kulturelle oplevelser: Kolding er kendt for sine mange kulturelle oplevelser, herunder museer, kunstgallerier og musikfestivaler.
- Foreningsliv: Kolding Kommune støtter et aktivt foreningsliv og tilbyder tilskud til foreninger, der gennemfører aktiviteter og undervisning for både børn, unge og voksne.
Disse muligheder bidrager til at gøre Kolding til en attraktiv kommune at bo og arbejde i. Det er vigtigt at bemærke, at disse muligheder kan variere afhængigt af kommunens økonomiske situation og politiske prioriteringer.
Kolding Kommunes budgetstrategi for 2023-2026 blev vedtaget med det formål at sætte de økonomiske rammer, der skal gøre det muligt at realisere Kolding Kommunes vision i de kommende år. Strategien lægger vægt på at investere i borgernes velfærd på både kort og langt sigt, hvilket er afgørende for at skabe rum til udvikling af kommunen.
Det teoretiske grundlag for at opbremse væksten i udgifterne til velfærdsopgaver og anlæg er baseret på principperne om økonomisk bæredygtighed og effektiv ressourceanvendelse. Det handler om at sikre, at kommunens ressourcer anvendes på en måde, der maksimerer velfærden for borgerne, samtidig med at det sikrer kommunens økonomiske stabilitet på lang sigt.
Empirisk set er der flere metoder, der kan anvendes for at opnå dette mål:
- Effektivisering af administrationen: En analyse af kommunernes udgifter til administration og ledelse viser, at der er potentiale for effektivisering. Dette kan opnås gennem benchmarking og best practice-analyser, hvor man sammenligner kommunens praksis med andre kommuner og identificerer områder, hvor der kan opnås besparelser.
- Investering i teknologi: Digitalisering og teknologi kan bidrage til at effektivisere kommunens tjenester og reducere omkostningerne. Dette kan omfatte alt fra digitalisering af kommunale tjenester til brug af data til at forbedre byplanlægning og service.
- Bæredygtige investeringer: Ved at fokusere på bæredygtige investeringer kan kommunen opnå langsigtede besparelser. Dette kan omfatte investeringer i grøn infrastruktur, energieffektive bygninger og bæredygtig transport.
- Øget borgerinddragelse: Ved at inddrage borgerne mere i beslutningstagningen kan kommunen sikre, at ressourcerne anvendes på en måde, der bedst opfylder borgernes behov og ønsker. Dette kan også bidrage til at øge borgernes tilfredshed med kommunens tjenester.
Disse forslag kræver dog en grundig analyse og planlægning for at sikre, at de er i tråd med Kolding Kommunes unikke behov og mål. Det vil også være vigtigt at sikre, at eventuelle besparelser ikke går ud over kvaliteten af de tjenester, som kommunen leverer til sine borgere.
Organisatoriske konsekvenser af at opbremse væksten i udgifterne til velfærdsopgaver og anlæg kan være mange. Det kan indebære en omstrukturering af de eksisterende arbejdsprocesser, en øget fokus på effektivitet og produktivitet, samt potentielle ændringer i medarbejderroller og ansvarsområder. Det kan også medføre behov for øget kapacitetsopbygning, kompetenceudvikling og uddannelse for at sikre, at medarbejderne er i stand til at navigere i de nye arbejdsprocesser og opgaver.
Afdelingen for Strategisk Vækst i Kolding Kommune blev dannet for at understøtte erhvervsvækst, bosætning og partnerskaber i Kolding Kommune under visionen “Sammen designer vi livet”. Afdelingen har til opgave at realisere politikernes visioner for kommunen i samarbejde med en bred skare af interessenter. Denne afdeling spiller en central rolle i at skabe sammenhæng på tværs af borgere, virksomheder og uddannelser.
For at styrke governance i Kolding Kommune kunne man overveje følgende tiltag, inspireret af best practices fra andre EU-lande:
- Øget borgerinddragelse: Borgerinddragelse er en central del af good governance. Ved at inddrage borgerne mere i beslutningstagningen kan kommunen sikre, at ressourcerne anvendes på en måde, der bedst opfylder borgernes behov og ønsker.
- Effektivitet og effektivitet: God governance kræver effektiv og effektiv brug af ressourcer. Dette kan opnås gennem løbende evaluering og optimering af arbejdsprocesser.
- Åbenhed og transparens: Åbenhed og transparens er nøgleelementer i god governance. Ved at sikre åbenhed omkring beslutningsprocesser og ved at gøre information let tilgængelig for borgerne, kan kommunen styrke tilliden og forståelsen for kommunens arbejde.
- Etisk adfærd: Etisk adfærd er en grundlæggende forudsætning for god governance. Dette indebærer, at kommunen handler i overensstemmelse med lovgivningen og etiske retningslinjer, og at den fremmer en kultur af integritet og ansvarlighed.
Disse forslag kræver dog en grundig analyse og planlægning for at sikre, at de er i tråd med Kolding Kommunes unikke behov og mål. Det vil også være vigtigt at sikre, at eventuelle ændringer ikke går ud over kvaliteten af de tjenester, som kommunen leverer til sine borgere. Eller borgeren til forvaltningstyper, der ligger sine dametasker på sit bord på en måde, så at han fyldes af medfølelse og trang til at hjælpe dem til at gøre en forskel i en vanskelig tid med mange forandringer i stedet for blot at være et vedhæng. Det gælder også dem, der ikke ved hvad de vil og som har vanskeligt ved at prioritere og dem der ved hvad de vil og som leder efter en kvinder der kunne tænke sig at blive lidt sindsyg. Hvis du er veluddannet og af en god familie kunne det blive til mere.
For at analysere afdelingen for strategisk vækst i Kolding Kommune kritisk, ville det være nødvendigt at have adgang til specifikke data om afdelingens præstationer, mål og resultater. Desværre har jeg ikke adgang til sådanne data. Dog kan jeg fortælle, at afdelingen for strategisk vækst i Kolding Kommune har til formål at understøtte erhvervsvækst, bosætning og partnerskaber.
Det er korrekt, at væksten i Danmark og Region Syddanmark, herunder Kolding, kan være udfordret. Institutioner kan spille en vigtig rolle i at fremme vækst og innovation. Her er nogle måder, de kan bidrage på:
- Uddannelse og forskning: Institutioner kan investere i uddannelse og forskning for at fremme innovation og teknologisk udvikling. Dette kan omfatte støtte til universiteter og forskningscentre, der arbejder med nye teknologier eller løsninger.
- Partnerskaber: Institutioner kan indgå i partnerskaber med private virksomheder for at fremme innovation og vækst. Dette kan omfatte fælles forskningsprojekter, udveksling af viden og ressourcer, og støtte til start-ups og små og mellemstore virksomheder.
- Politik og regulering: Institutioner kan skabe et gunstigt politisk og regulatorisk miljø for vækst og innovation. Dette kan omfatte politikker, der fremmer investeringer i forskning og udvikling, skaber incitamenter for innovation, og beskytter intellektuel ejendomsret.
- Infrastruktur: Institutioner kan investere i infrastruktur, der understøtter vækst og innovation. Dette kan omfatte alt fra transport og kommunikation til digital infrastruktur.
- Finansiering: Institutioner kan tilbyde finansiering til virksomheder og projekter, der fremmer vækst og innovation. Dette kan omfatte alt fra direkte investeringer til lån og garantier.
- Bæredygtighed: Institutioner kan fremme bæredygtig vækst ved at integrere miljømæssige og sociale overvejelser i deres politikker og praksis.
Det er vigtigt at bemærke, at disse strategier skal tilpasses de specifikke udfordringer og muligheder, der er i Kolding og Region Syddanmark. For eksempel, hvis udvandring er et problem, kan institutioner fokusere på at skabe attraktive levevilkår og jobmuligheder for at tiltrække og fast-holde folk.
Kolding Kommune har potentiale til at tiltrække flere investeringer og virksomheder ved at fokusere på strategiske tiltag. Her er nogle forslag:
- Grøn omstilling og bæredygtighed: Investeringer i grøn teknologi og bæredygtige løsninger kan tiltrække virksomheder, der ønsker at være en del af den globale grønne omstilling. Kolding kan fremme initiativer inden for vedvarende energi, cirkulær økonomi og miljøvenlig transport.
- Infrastruktur og tilgængelighed: Forbedret infrastruktur, herunder veje, jernbaner og lufthavne, gør det lettere for virksomheder at etablere sig i området. Investeringer i moderne logistik- og transportfaciliteter kan også tiltrække virksomheder.
- Uddannelse og forskning: Samarbejde med uddannelsesinstitutioner og forskningscentre kan tiltrække virksomheder, der ønsker adgang til talent og innovation. Kolding kan styrke sit uddannelsesmiljø og tilbyde relevante uddannelser inden for teknologi, design og erhvervsliv.
- Erhvervsvenligt klima: Kolding bør skabe et positivt erhvervsklima ved at reducere bureaukrati, tilbyde skræddersyede løsninger og støtte iværksættere. Et tæt samarbejde mellem kommune, virksomheder og erhvervsorganisationer er afgørende.
- Markedsføring og branding: Kolding skal aktivt markedsføre sine styrker og unikke træk. Dette kan gøres gennem digitale platforme, events, konferencer og samarbejde med erhvervslivet.
Hvad angår Koldings sammenligning med andre byer i Syddanmark og Skandinavien, er det vigtigt at analysere specifikke faktorer som arbejdskraft, industrielle sektorer, infrastruktur og politik. Kolding kan drage fordel af benchmarking og erfaringsudveksling med andre byer for at forstå bedste praksis og identificere områder, hvor forbedringer er nødvendige.
I Danmark og Nordeuropa er der flere kommuner, der har haft succes med at skabe innovationsdrevet vækst. Her er nogle eksempler:
- Kalundborg Kommune: Kalundborg er hjemsted for Novo Nordisks største fabrik. Novo Nordisk er en global medicinalvirksomhed, og deres tilstedeværelse i Kalundborg har bidraget til kommunens høje vækst. I 2022 oplevede Kalundborg en bnp-vækst på 26,9%, hvilket var den højeste blandt danske kommuner.
- Gladsaxe Kommune: Gladsaxe har også haft en imponerende vækst med en bnp-stigning på 26,4% i 2022. Kommunen har fokuseret på innovation og samarbejde med virksomheder og forskningsinstitutioner.
- Hillerød Kommune: Hillerød har oplevet en bnp-vækst på 18,3%. Kommunen har investeret i sundheds- og life science-sektoren og har tiltrukket virksomheder og talenter inden for dette område.
- Ballerup Kommune: Ballerup har også haft en betydelig vækst med en bnp-stigning på 17%. Kommunen har fokuseret på teknologi, forskning og udvikling.
Disse kommuner har formået at skabe et gunstigt miljø for innovation og erhvervsvækst, hvilket har gjort dem til foregangssteder i Danmark og Nordeuropa. Det er vigtigt at bemærke, at innovationsdrevet vækst ofte kræver samarbejde mellem virksomheder, uddannelsesinstitutioner og det offentlige.
At reducere bureaukrati er afgørende for at skabe et mere effektivt og erhvervsvenligt miljø. Her er nogle forslag til at mindske bureaukrati:
- Digitalisering: Overgang til digitale processer og selvbetjeningsløsninger kan reducere papirarbejde og manuelle opgaver. Automatisering af administrative procedurer gør det lettere for virksomheder og borgere at interagere med det offentlige.
- Forenkling af regler og procedurer: Gennemgå eksisterende love, regler og procedurer for at identificere unødvendige kompleksiteter. Forenkling af lovgivning og administrative processer gør det lettere at navigere og overholde reglerne.
- Én indgang: Opret en central indgang for virksomheder og borgere, hvor de kan få adgang til alle relevante tjenester og informationer. Dette reducerer behovet for at kontakte flere myndigheder.
- Klare retningslinjer: Udsted klare og præcise retningslinjer for virksomheder og borgere. Dette minimerer tvetydighed og misforståelser.
- Tidsfrister: Fastlæg realistiske tidsfrister for myndighedernes sagsbehandling. Dette giver forudsigelighed og tillid til processen.
- Dialog med erhvervslivet: Involver virksomheder i beslutningsprocessen. Hør deres synspunkter og oplevede udfordringer. Dette kan føre til mere målrettede løsninger.
- Uddannelse og kompetenceudvikling: Uddan medarbejdere i offentlige institutioner i moderne arbejdsmetoder og teknologier. Dette øger effektiviteten og kvaliteten af deres arbejde.
Husk, at reduktion af bureaukrati er en løbende proces, og det kræver samarbejde mellem myndigheder, virksomheder og borgere.
- Danmark: Danmark er kendt for at være et lille veladministeret land, omend der er bureaukrati. Landet har fokuseret på digitalisering, forenkling af regler og tidsfrister for sagsbehandling. Dette har gjort det lettere for virksomheder og borgere at interagere med myndighederne.
- Singapore: Singapore har et af verdens mest erhvervsvenlige klimaer. Landet har investeret i digitalisering, automatisering og klare retningslinjer. Det har resulteret i en hurtig og effektiv sagsbehandlingstid for virksomheder og en minimal mængde bureaukrati.
- Estland: Estland har været en pioner inden for e-governance. De har implementeret digitale ID’er, online tjenester og papirløse processer. Estland har reduceret bureaukrati og gjort det nemt for borgere og virksomheder at udføre administrative opgaver online.
- New Zealand: New Zealand har gennemført omfattende reformer for at reducere bureaukrati. De har fokuseret på at forenkle regler, mindske papirarbejde og øge gennemsigtigheden. Resultatet er et mere effektivt og brugervenligt system.
- Chile: Chile har arbejdet på at forbedre sit forretningsklima ved at reducere bureaukrati. De har indført digitale løsninger, klare retningslinjer og hurtigere sagsbehandling. Dette har tiltrukket investeringer og skabt et mere dynamisk erhvervsmiljø
Danmark har historisk set haft en stabil økonomi, men sammenlignet med nogle andre lande har vi oplevet lavere vækstrater. Her er nogle faktorer, der kan bidrage til dette:
- Størrelse og åbenhed: Danmark er et relativt lille land med en åben økonomi. Vores eksport udgør en stor del af BNP, og vi er afhængige af den globale økonomi. Når verdensøkonomien stagnerer, kan det påvirke vores vækst.
- Produktivitet: Selvom Danmark har en høj produktivitet, har vi oplevet en svag udvikling siden midten af 1990’erne. Produktivitetsstigninger er afgørende for langsigtet vækst, og der er behov for at fokusere på innovation, teknologi og uddannelse.
- Demografi: Aldrende befolkning og lav fødselsrate kan påvirke arbejdsstyrken og produktiviteten. Det er vigtigt at investere i uddannelse og opkvalificering for at sikre en kompetent arbejdsstyrke.
- Skattetryk og regulering: Danmark har et højt skattetryk og en omfattende regulering. Selvom dette finansierer vores velfærdssystem, kan det også hæmme iværksætteri og virksomhedsvækst. En afbalanceret tilgang er nødvendig.
Opskriften på succes inkluderer:
- Innovation og teknologi: Investering i forskning, udvikling og teknologi er afgørende for at øge produktiviteten og skabe nye muligheder.
- Uddannelse og livslang læring: Kontinuerlig uddannelse og opkvalificering af arbejdsstyrken er nødvendig for at imødekomme fremtidens udfordringer.
- Erhvervsvenligt klima: Reduktion af bureaukrati, skabelse af gunstige rammer for virksomheder og støtte til iværksættere er vigtigt.
- Bæredygtighed og grøn omstilling: Fokus på grøn teknologi og bæredygtighed kan tiltrække investeringer og skabe vækst.
- Samspil mellem offentlig og privat sektor: Samarbejde mellem virksomheder, uddannelsesinstitutioner og det offentlige er afgørende for at skabe en dynamisk økonomi.
Dette forudsætter stærkt lederskab og god forvaltning, hvilket igen er afhængig af veldesignet organisationer præget af både effeciens på mål og effektivtet i omgangen med borgerne. Så grundlæggende strukturer som performance kontrol, policy koordination og projektafdelingen skal selvfølgelig spille sammen.
Ifølge Marianna Mazzucato, en darling blandt flere regeringsinstitutioner, lider økonomien under fire dårligdomme: (1) financialisering af erhvervslivet på bekostning af produktion (2) Profitter skulle gå til at investere i forskning og udvikling, træning af arbejderne og kapital udstyr (3) der er klimaforandring som den lort på 220millioner som Kolding lige har lagt for at modvirke oversvømmelser minder os om (4) Styringsorganer fedtspiller i stedet for at lede.
Mariana Mazzucato’s “Mission Economy: A Moonshot Guide to Changing Capitalism” introducerer en visionær tilgang til økonomi og samfund. Lad os udforske styrkerne og svaghederne ved hendes “mission oriented” tilgang:
- Styrker:
- Mission Oriented Thinking: Mazzucato argumenterer for, at mission-orienteret tænkning er afgørende for at løse presserende økonomiske og sociale problemer, såsom miljønedbrydning, fattigdom, ulighed, sundhed og bæredygtighed
- Offentlig-privat samarbejde: Hun fremhæver vigtigheden af samarbejde mellem offentlige og private sektorer for at opnå fælles mål og dele risici og belønninger .
- Skift i statens rolle: Mazzucato opfordrer til, at stater går fra at være “långivere i sidste instans” til at blive “investorer i første instans”, der skaber visioner og mål for at lede økonomien mod en mere inklusiv og bæredygtig fremtid .
- Svagheder:
- Udfordringer med implementering: At omsætte mission-orienteret tænkning til praksis kræver omfattende ændringer i politik og praksis på tværs af sektorer .
- Risiko for bureaukrati: For meget statslig indblanding kan føre til bureaukrati og ineffektivitet .
- Modstand fra etablerede interesser: Ændringer i økonomisk tankegang møder ofte modstand fra eksisterende magtstrukturer og interesser .
Endelig skal staten i stedet for at forbedre forholdene for borgerene fokusere på at forbedre deres hverdag. She got a mission. Har Kolding ?
Mens Keynes havde ret i at argumentere for kontra-cyckliske regerings investeringer, hvad Mazzucatos mission-orientede politikker tilføjer er den nødvendige forstillingsevne til at bestemme hvor og hvordan der skal investeres, uagtet forretningscyklussen: (1) Penge er ikke alt i livet, men de gør tilværelsen lettere. (2) Et aktivt offentligt liv er sagen (3) Skabelsen af fællesskaber vha af the commons, (4) konstruktionen af en cirkulær økonomi der minimerer skrald, (5) finans’ indflydelse på lang tids finansiering af outcome baseret budgeterings proces, (6) tiltning af spillepladen mod en smart grøn transition er til gengæld alle tanker undfanget af en kvindes hjerne.
Eller rettere Mazzucato ønsker at redde økonomien fra sig selv, og har påvirket EU’s Horizon-forskningsprogrammet i ikke ubetydelig grad.
Selv da skal både problem-løsning og benchmarks/indikatorer anvendes, formål og tækning til at gøre en forskel. Og så skal der implementeres og evalueres. Det kræver et vis organisationelt design. Ingen mission accomplished uden velstrukturede og målrettet tilgange. Ej at forglemme er behovet for sikkerhed i tillæg til produktion, samspil med banker , bredt funderet vidensøkonomi og interaktion og dialog med borgerne. Det er ofte ude hos folket at løsningerne ligger.
Endelig er ledelse en performance akt præget af formålstjenestelig handling, af sunde værdier, hjerte, relationer og selv-disciplin. Et formål forudætter lidenskab, værdier en vis adfærd, hjerte medfølelse, relationer at man har forbindelser og selv-disciplin en vis konsistens eller identitet. Det er således interessante tider.
Dette kan illustreres med en lille Århus-historie:
Hvorfor inviterede Århus aldrig Kolding til deres fester?
Fordi hver gang Århus prøvede at have det sjovt, ville Kolding altid tale om bæredygtig vækst!
Pointen er, hvis ikke Kolding Kommunne kan udvikle sig økonomisk, får vi heller ikke overbevist skeptikerne om og overvundet modstand i forvaltningen om at revitalisere havnen. Tingene hænger sammen.
En anden historie illustrere meget vel sammenhængen hvori problemet består:
Hvorfor er Århus så stolt af deres vidensøkonomi og økonomisk vækst?
Fordi hver gang de prøver at forklare det, siger kvinderne i byen, at de allerede vidste det.
Pointen er, at danske kvinder ved hvad de vil have og når de får det er de søde imod dig.
Kolding er imidlertid bagud på den grønne omstilling, på udvikling af havnen, på kvalitet i arkitekturen, på digital transformation, på innovation. Vi er blevet lovet et træbeplantningsprogram, inklusive på Snerlevej, grønne områder, urban art, styrkelse af miljøet langs åen og skulpturer i bybilledet.Intet er sket. Planstrategi2023 er nu vedtaget. Vi venter alle spændt på den nye bæredygtighedsstrategi , introduktion af økosystem planlægning balanceret med hensyntagen til menneskelige behov og samtænkning af strategier. Dette er distinkt fra årsberetningen, der samler op på årets aktiviteter, sammenholder performance kontrol versus borgertilfredshedsundersøgelser, diskuterer offentlig politik og effekterne af strategier og politiker samt redegører for byrådets konklusioner på, hvordan Kolding kommune bedst kan lukke hullerne i det bæredygtige samfund som led i en daglig magtpraksis. Der er rigtig mange borgere i Trekantsområdet, der ser op til Kolding og forventer at vi leder og trækker en større del af læsset i regionen, men Koldings muligheder for at påvirke Trekantsområdet positivt er afhængig af, at Trekantsområdet tænker mere strategisk. Og det kan nu engang kun ske ud af Kolding, fordi det er her Trekantområdets har til huse. I stedet spreder Kolding sin mug.
https://innovationsfonden.dk/da
https://www.dst.dk/da/Statistik/nyheder-analyser-publ/nyt/NytHtml?cid=24085
https://www.nationalbanken.dk/media/2yynhz4f/kvo1-2012-produktivitetsudvikling.pdf
https://marianamazzucato.com/books/mission-economy/
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Hvad med visionen ? Hvilken forskel gør mennesker ?
Danmark Posted on Wed, February 21, 2024 22:01:14Koldings problem er, at den ikke har de fornødne teknologier, organisation og vision til at udvikle sig.
Organisatorisk har man nu sammenlagt by- og fællesskabsforvaltningen, en såkaldt whole-of-government tilgang inspireret af Nathalie Tocci, som har stået intellektuelt fader til den grønne pagt, som får damerne i kommunen til formeligt at dåne og drømme om evig magt og berømmelse.
Med hvad med Kolding ?
Kolding Kommunes vision er “Sammen designer vi livet”. Denne vision er et pejlemærke for fremtiden og skal sikre en klar og visionær retning for Kolding Kommune.
Design i hele Kolding Kommune er nærværende, kan ses og mærkes, og gør en forskel.
Der er flere projekter i Kolding Kommune, der relaterer sig til visionen såsom Hylkedalens udviklingsplan, Kolding bymidte, Kvarterhusdannelser, bylivsforum, Designguide, Marina City samt udvikling af Kolding havneområder. Der er Vision Park, som er et erhvervsområde med formel fokus på natur og bæredygtighed.
Værdierne: Borgercentreret, Inddragelse, Livskvalitet, Selvbestemmelse og Kvalitet.
Budgetstrategien 2023-26 flugter med visionen i form af at sætte økonomiske rammer, investere i velfærd, tværgående indsatser, økonomisk robusthed samt bæredygtige investeringer. Disse ele-menter i budgetstrategien flugter med Kolding Kommunes vision om at “Sammen designer vi livet”, ved at fokusere på samarbejde, design, bæredygtighed og velfærd.
Det virker bare ikke.
Hvad skyldes det ?
For Venstre forbliver frisind, det frie initaitiv og internationalt udsyn kerneværdier.
Må jeg foreslå, at man lægger på med enkelte greb:
For det første skal det granskes i hvilket omfang forvaltningen bidrager til vækst , og hvordan man kunne gøre mere og andet end blot at opbremse stigningstakten i udgifterne til velfærdsydelser og til bygge-og anlæg. Kirkens historiske og samtidige rolle i byen ved vi heller ikke for meget om. Visionen skal genopfriskes og missionen bør i øvrigt omformuleres. De sociale konflikter i byen bør samtidigt gøres til genstand for analyse og belyses fordomsfrit og uden fnidder-fnadder.
For det andet kan man spørge sig , i hvilket omfang chefstrategen kan rumme så stor viden, at han også er respekteret bredt blandt folk, i byråddet og i forvaltningen. Design-skolen kan ofte lede til niche tænkning og kunstigt indsnævre eget perspektiv og antager, at strategiprocessen modsvarer en konception. Dette er bare ikke altid tilfældet. Eller også har vi ikke fat i de rigtige nøglefaktorer og kompetencer, ledernes værdier er ikke nødvendigvis de rigtige og den sociale ansvarlighed fungerer ikke i praksis. Derudover er tidssvarende strategiprocesser karakteriseret ved nye organisatoriske former, der åbner nye muligheder og faldgruber og endnu er i sin vorden.
For det tredje bør Koldings næste transformationsfase nedbryde, afsløre og stille til skue uhellige alliancer mellem hykleriske særlinge fascineret af snegleløb og proto-fascistiske fin de regne opportunister , arrogante og selvtjenende bureaukrater, hævngerrighed og misundelse , der søger at begrave uskyldige borgere i en arkaisk struktur for at dække over egne mangler og fejl, særinteresser, tunnelsyn , organisatorisk og kulturel utilpassethed samt forbryderiske instinkter. Dertil identificerer man syndebukke tilknyttet dobbetlsnedige menneskelig efterstræbning så at man kan bedre kan frame offret eller få ham til at inkriminere sig selv eller slette sporene af egne forbrydelser ved hjælp af ekstra-judicielle kneb og udenretlige greb efter magten. I stedet for at belønne dygtige og loyale borgere erklærer de ham fredløs og personforfølger ham. Den slags skader monarkiet og Kolding by og har store politiske, sociale og menneskelige omkostninger. Eller som politimester Abrahamsen åbent erkender: Jeg har mistet kontrollen med organisationen. Ja, volden udgår fra vores institutioner. Som Shakespeare siger i Hamlet: There is something rotten in the state of Denmark. Man boler og sætter børn ud. ODIN-ODIN-ODIN.
For det fjerde vil 2024 bæredygtighedsstrategien uværgeligt rejse spørgsmålet om en årsberetning, og anvendelsen af metrikker og handlings- og løsningsorienteret tilgange til byens problemer, dvs i hvilket omfang institutionerne skal redesignes og medarbejderstaben bearbejdes eller hvalpefedtet skæres væk. En mulig struktur for årsberetningen: (1) Aktivitetetsrapport (2) Performance kontrol vs borgertilfresheds-undersøgelser (3) Evaluering af offentlige poltikker og strategier og deres effekter (4) Byrådets konklusioner på hvilke handlinger der er nødvendige for at nå i mål med det bæredygtige samfund og påny skabe vækst og fremgang i Kolding.
Sandelig siger jeg, at der er langt vej til at Kolding bliver til en dynamisk by og attraktiv arbejds-plads påny. Det er slet ikke sikkert bæredygtighed betaler sig på den korte til mellemlange bane. I øvrigt er EU ikke en one-size fits all. Så måske skulle man alligevel formulere en egentlig vækst-og investerings strategi i Koldings næste transformationsfase.
Vision https://www.kolding.dk/om-kommunen/designvisionen/sammen-designer-vi-livet/
Planer og projekter https://www.kolding.dk/borger/planer-og-projekter
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CPH Havneringen: Hvilke interventioner er relevante ?
Uncategorised Posted on Mon, February 19, 2024 20:49:55- Vidensøkonomien bag havneringe er den økonomiske værdi, som havnerne skaber ved at tilbyde rekreative, kulturelle og sociale aktiviteter for borgerne og turisterne. Havnerne er også vigtige for byens erhvervsliv, transport og innovation. Havneringene er en måde at forbinde de forskellige dele af havnen og skabe en sammenhængende og attraktiv byrum.
- Havneringe findes i andre lande, som har udviklet deres havneområder til multifunktionelle og bæredygtige byrum. Nogle eksempler er:
- Amsterdam, Holland: Den har en 15 km lang havnering, som forbinder historiske og moderne bygninger, museer, parker og broer langs floden Amstel og IJ.
- Hamburg, Tyskland: Den har en 8,5 km lang havnering, som løber langs Elben og forbinder kulturelle, industrielle og grønne områder, som Speicherstadt, HafenCity og Elbphilharmonie.
- Stockholm, Sverige: Den har en 10 km lang havnering, som går rundt om Gamla Stan og forbinder øerne Södermalm, Kungsholmen, Norrmalm og Djurgården, hvor man kan opleve historiske, kulturelle og naturrige seværdigheder.
- En handlingsplan for at forfine havneringen i København kunne indeholde følgende elementer:
- Skabe flere opholdssteder og aktivitetsmuligheder langs havneringen, som kan tiltrække og tilfredsstille forskellige aldersgrupper, interesser og behov. For eksempel, flere badezoner, legepladser, kunstinstallationer, sportsfaciliteter, caféer og restauranter.
- Forbedre adgangen til vandet og sikre en ren og indbydende havn, som kan fremme sundhed og velvære for borgerne og miljøet. For eksempel, flere broer, trapper, pontoner, bådudlejning, affaldshåndtering og vandkvalitetskontrol.
- Styrke ruterne og forbindelserne mellem de forskellige byområder langs havneringen, som kan øge mobilitet og tilgængelighed for gående, cyklister og offentlig transport. For eksempel, bedre skiltning, belysning, cykelstier, busstoppesteder og færgeruter.
- Fremme en bæredygtig og klimavenlig udvikling af havneringen, som kan reducere byens CO2-udslip og øge dens modstandsdygtighed over for klimaforandringer. For eksempel, flere grønne områder, regnvandsopsamling, solceller, vindmøller og el-ladestandere.
- Involvere borgerne, erhvervslivet og andre interessenter i planlægning, design og drift af havneringen, som kan skabe ejerskab, engagement og innovation. For eksempel, platform på sociale medier, borgermøder, workshops, konkurrencer, events og projekter.
- Nogle steder, hvor der kunne intervenes på ruten, er:
- Ved Kalvebod Bølge, hvor der kunne skabes et nyt byrum med flere aktiviteter, opholdssteder og forbindelser til Vesterbro og Tivoli.
- Ved Islands Brygge, hvor der kunne etableres en ny badezone, en legeplads og en grøn park med udsigt over havnen.
- Ved Christianshavn, hvor der kunne forbedres adgangen til vandet, skabes flere grønne områder og styrkes den historiske og kulturelle identitet.
- Ved Refshaleøen, hvor der kunne udvikles et nyt kreativt og bæredygtigt byområde med plads til boliger, erhverv, kultur og natur.
- Ved Sluseholmen, hvor der kunne skabes en ny skole, en park og en bro, som kan forbinde det nye byområde med resten af havneringen.
Sikkerhed: Faste politi-patruljer langs havneringen med Segways med seks betjente af gangen med 200m mellemrum i sommerhalvåret, cykelpatruljer samt hestepatrul-jer.
Finansiering af en sådan handlingsplan kan være en udfordring, da det kræver en betydelig investering i havneområdets udvikling og vedligeholdelse. Der er dog nogle mulige kilder til finansiering, som kan overvejes, såsom:
- Statslige og kommunale tilskud: Der kan søges om støtte fra forskellige puljer, som har til formål at fremme cyklisme, bæredygtighed, klimatilpasning, byliv og kultur i byerne. For eksempel har Københavns Kommune tidligere modtaget midler fra Cykelpuljen til etablering og markedsføring af Havneringen.
- Private sponsorer og samarbejdspartnere: Der kan indgås aftaler med private virksomheder, organisationer eller fonde, som har interesse i at bidrage til havneringens udvikling og profilering. For eksempel kan der tilbydes navngivning, reklameplads, events eller andre former for modydelser til sponsorerne.
- Brugerbetaling og indtægtsdannelse: Der kan opkræves et mindre beløb fra brugerne af havneringens faciliteter og services, som kan gå til at dække nogle af drifts- og vedligeholdelsesomkostningerne. For eksempel kan der være en entré til badezonerne, en lejepris for bådene eller en parkeringsafgift for bilerne. Der kan også skabes indtægter fra salg af mad, drikke, souvenirs eller andre produkter relateret til havneringen.
https://www.kk.dk/dagsordener-og-referater/%C3%98konomiudvalget/m%C3%B8de-04112014/referat/punkt-21
https://www.kk.dk/politik/politikker-og-indsatser/bolig-byggeri-og-byliv/koebenhavns-havn
https://www.kk.dk/dagsordener-og-referater/Borgerrepræsentationen/møde-30112017/referat/punkt-34
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IGC25 – Reflections on structure and selected policies
Uncategorised Posted on Mon, February 19, 2024 01:16:28The Lisboa-Treaties: How do we revise the policies?
As a citizen of a small country, I am concerned not only with the form of the treaty but also with the objectives of the policies. This post deals with the structure of the treaties and the individual policies, but not all of them.
Let’s have a look at the overall structure of the Lisboa-treaty:
Objectives and Legal Principles:
- The Treaty of Lisbon renamed the Treaty establishing the European Community to the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). “Community” was replaced throughout the text by “Union.”
- It does not create state-like Union symbols (such as a flag or anthem), but it preserves most of the substantial achievements of the previous Constitutional Treaty.
- No additional exclusive competencies were transferred to the Union by the Treaty of Lisbon. However, it modifies how the Union exercises its existing powers and introduces some new (shared) powers.
- The Treaty enhances citizens’ participation, protection, and democratic accountability. It also modifies decision-making processes for increased efficiency and transparency.
- Unlike the Constitutional Treaty, the Treaty of Lisbon does not formally enshrine the supremacy of Union law over national legislation, but a declaration attached to the Treaty reaffirms this principle
Democratic Principles:
- The Treaty of Lisbon expresses three fundamental principles:
- Democratic equality: Ensures equal representation and participation.
- Representative democracy: Empowers the European Parliament with further legislative powers.
- Participatory democracy: Introduces a citizens’ initiative.
Legal Personality and International Agreements:
- The Treaty gives the EU an entire legal personality, allowing it to sign international treaties within its attributed powers or join international organizations.
- Member States may only sign international agreements compatible with EU law.
Structure
In so far as the structure of the post-Lisboa Treaty, the following observations have been made:
Structure of the Post-Lisbon Treaty:
- Two-Pillar Approach:
- Some scholars argue that the post-Lisbon setup resembles a two-pillar structure:
- The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) provides the first pillar, covering economic matters, internal market, and competencies.
- The Treaty on the European Union (TEU), particularly its provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), constitutes the second pillar. This might be explored -it was a British idea to seperate External Relations from the CFSP, but perhaps the wiser cource of action is to introduce cautious changes. For instance, the EEAS could be renamed the European Foreign Service of the EU Commission and the High Representative the External Relations Commissioner. The end-goal, however, must be clear: Foreign Policy must become an exclusive competence of the European Diplomatic Service of the Eu Commission. Many member states are already down-sizing their bilateral embassies in the EU. What do you think ?
- Some scholars argue that the post-Lisbon setup resembles a two-pillar structure:
- Enhanced Efficiency and Democracy:
- The European Parliament and national parliaments play a more significant role.
- It also sought to improve coherence in external actions.
- Deepening and Widening:
- Despite the demanding procedural requirement for treaty amendments (requiring unanimity among Member States), the EU has experienced both deepening (expanding competencies) and widening (increasing membership) since its inception.
- Originally an economic-focused organization of six countries, the EU now encompasses twenty-seven Member States with diverse objectives, including foreign policy, security, and cross-border crime.
Approximating to the Erstwhile Constitution:
- Referencing the Constitution:
- Rather than directly incorporating the constitution, the post-Lisbon Treaty could explicitly reference its principles and values. This maintains flexibility while acknowledging its historical significance.
- Preamble Emphasis:
- A robust preamble in the treaty could reaffirm the EU’s commitment to fundamental rights, democratic values, and shared objectives. This gentle approach highlights continuity.
- Expanded Scope:
- Consider expanding the Treaty’s scope to address emerging issues (e.g., digital rights and environmental protection) while respecting local sensitivities.
Balancing Act:
- Delicate diplomacy is crucial. Engage with local elites, seek their input, and emphasize the benefits of alignment without undermining their interests.
- Highlight how constitutional principles enhance the EU’s legitimacy and effectiveness.
The Treaty of Lisbon, which amends the Treaty on the European Union and the Treaty establishing the European Community, introduced significant changes to the European Union’s structure and competencies. Let’s delve into the competence catalogue of Title 1 articles 2A-F, and explore potential ways to strengthen or redistribute these competencies.
- Types of Competences:
- The Treaty of Lisbon distinguishes between three types of competences:
- Exclusive Competence: Member States only implement in areas where the Union alone can legislate.
- Shared Competence: Member States can legislate and adopt legally binding measures if the Union has not done so.
- The Treaty of Lisbon distinguishes between three types of competences:
- Strengthening Competencies:
- To enhance the effectiveness of the Union, competences could be strengthened by:
- Harmonizing Regulations: Ensuring consistent rules across Member States regarding trade, environment, and consumer protection.
- Empowering EU Institutions: Granting more authority to the European Parliament and the European Commission.
- Investing in Research and Innovation: Strengthening the EU’s role in technology development and scientific advancements.
- To enhance the effectiveness of the Union, competences could be strengthened by:
- Redistributing Competences:
- Consider redistributing competences based on:
- Subsidiarity: Assessing whether some issues are better handled at the EU or national level.
- Proportionality: Ensuring that EU intervention is proportionate to the issue.
- Democratic Accountability: Involving citizens and national parliaments in decision-making.
- Emerging Challenges: Addressing new challenges like cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, and digital transformation.
- Consider redistributing competences based on:
A thoughtful review of competencies and strategic adjustments can strengthen the EU’s capacity to address contemporary challenges and foster a more cohesive and effective Union.
Let´s now turn our attention to the singular policies of the Treaty.
Charter for Fundamental Rights
I propose reinserting the Charter for Fundamental Rights at the top of the Treaties and making it legally binding when EU law is applied and within the Member states’ legal order when they apply both Eu law and national law.
Pros of Incorporating the Charter into Treaties:
- Enhanced Legal Force: By integrating the Charter into the treaties, its provisions, which are already legally binding, gain in stature, coherence and potency. This means that individuals can rely on the Charter in national courts and before the European Court of Justice (ECJ) without the need for implementing legislation and confusion.
- Visibility and Awareness: Elevating the Charter to treaty status would increase its visibility and awareness among EU citizens. It becomes a central reference point for fundamental rights protection.
- Uniform Application: Treating the Charter as part of the treaties ensures uniform application across all EU Member States. It eliminates variations in interpretation and implementation.
Cons of Incorporating the Charter into Treaties:
- Amendment Difficulty: Treaty amendments require unanimity among Member States. Incorporating the Charter would necessitate a cumbersome process, potentially leading to delays or resistance.
- Flexibility Concerns: The Charter allows for more interpretation flexibility as a standalone document. Treaty provisions are often more rigid and may not adapt well to evolving societal needs.
- Risk of Dilution: Some fear merging the Charter with the treaties might dilute its strong human rights protections. Treaty provisions cover many topics, and fundamental rights could get lost.
Proposals for Revising and Updating the Charter:
- Explicitly Referencing the Charter: The treaties could explicitly reference the Charter as a guiding document rather than full incorporation. This maintains flexibility while emphasizing its importance.
- Charter Preamble: Including a preamble in the treaties that reaffirms the Charter’s significance could strike a balance between visibility and flexibility.
- Regular Review Mechanism: Establishing a periodic review process for the Charter ensures that it remains relevant and up-to-date. This could involve consultations with civil society, legal experts, and EU institutions.
- Expanded Scope: Consider expanding the Charter’s scope to address emerging issues (e.g., digital rights, environmental rights) and ensuring its applicability beyond EU law.
In conclusion, reinserting the Charter into the treaties involves a delicate balance between legal force, flexibility, and practicality. Regardless of the approach, safeguarding fundamental rights remains paramount in the EU’s legal framework. It must be legally binding at both EU and MS Levels and must be encoraged to be invoked by legal practioneers and applied by the Courts -it already has a legal status similiar to the Treaty,i.e. it has constituional rank. Training must be provided on the implementation of its provisions at the EU and member state level, and hefty fines meeted out for those violating its require-ments to prevent miscalculations about what it means to be a human being and the portend of the EU’s ambition about man.
Eu citizenship
The concept of citizenship originates from Spain’s encounter with the Indians in the Americas and their presence in metropolitan Spain. Spain also introduced the idea into the Maastricht Treaty by giving its citizens unique rights. EU citizenship is a unique concept that complements but does not replace national citizenship. Here are the current clauses related to EU citizenship:
- Basis of EU Citizenship:
- Under Article 9 TEU and Article 20 TFEU, every person holding the nationality of an EU Member State is automatically a citizen of the Union. Nationality is defined according to the national laws of that State.
- Rights of EU Citizens: EU citizens have the following rights:
- Non-Discrimination: EU citizens cannot be discriminated against based on nationality.
- Free Movement: The right to move and reside freely within the EU.
- Voting and Candidacy: Eligibility to vote and be a candidate in European Parliament and municipal elections.
- Consular Protection: Assistance from any other EU country’s embassy or consulate when in distress outside the EU.
- Petition and Complaints: The right to petition the European Parliament and complain to the European Ombudsman.
- European Citizens’ Initiative: The ability to launch or support initiatives for EU legislation.
- Language Access: The right to contact and receive responses from any EU institution in one of the EU’s official languages.
- EU Citizenship Reports:
- The European Commission reports progress towards effective EU citizenship every three years. The 2023 Citizenship Report outlines measures to strengthen and promote EU citizenship rights, shared values, and democratic participation.
- Eurobarometer Surveys:
- Investor Citizenship Schemes:
- Knowing Your Rights and Getting Help:
The best-known legal commentary on the citizen directive is by Professor Elspeth Guild. The EU Citizenship Directive defines the right of free movement for European Economic Area (EEA) citizens. It applies to EU citizens and their family members who move to visit or reside in another Member State. While seemingly straightforward, questions arise: Who determines a person’s EU citizenship? What about dual citizens of two Member States or one Member State and a non-member State? How does the Directive address EU citizens who move to one Member State and then return home?
This comprehensive commentary on the EU’s Citizens’ Directive traces its evolution, placing each article in a historical and legislative context. It emphasizes connections between provisions, allowing a global understanding of the system of free movement rights. Annotations include detailed analyses of Court of Justice case law and related measures impacting interpretation, such as European Commission reports and guidelines on implementation. The Directive covers general provisions, right of exit and entry, residence, permanent residence, restrictions, and final provisions. If you’re interested in EU law and the intricacies of citizenship rights, this commentary provides valuable insights.
Supranational Citizenship by Lynn Dobson offers a coherent and innovative conception of citizenship that transcends specific nation-states. Her point raises more significant questions about its social and moral order, justice, stability, and cohesion,i.e., whether the EU can claim a demos, how state-like it may be, and whether it should have a written Constitution. The book explores the changing nature of citizenship, European integration, and international relations. Key points include:
- Citizenship Beyond Nation-States: Dobson theorizes a citizenship independent of any particular political organization. It’s not merely a status but an institutional role enabling individuals to shape their lives and promote freedom and well-being.
- European Union Context: The book relates this conception of citizenship to topical EU issues:
- Democracy and Legitimate Authority: How citizenship functions in a supranational context.
- Non-National Political Community: Examining citizenship beyond national borders.
- Supranational Constitution: Understanding the EU’s constitutional framework.
- Philosophical Foundations: Dobson draws on ideas from philosopher Alan Gewirth to argue that political institutions are normatively evaluated in light of their effectuating a person’s moral rights to freedom and well-being. It argues the critical consideration is the constitution of legitimate political authority, not the form of political organization. A necessary condition for such authority is citizenship. In turn, effective institutionalization and exercise of the citizen’s rights require capacities only the constitutional context can enable and resources only it can provide.
Let’s explore ways to enhance these provisions:
- Strengthening Democratic Participation and Inclusion:
- Effective Exercise of Voting Rights:
- Accessibility: Simplify voting procedures for EU citizens residing in other Member States.
- Awareness: Promote awareness of voting rights and facilitate absentee voting.
- Facilitating Free Movement and Daily Life:
- Legal Certainty: Clarify rules for exercising free movement rights, ensuring citizens’ confidence.
- Cross-Border Work and Travel: Simplify administrative processes for cross-border employment and travel.
- Protecting and Promoting EU Citizenship:
- Consular Protection: Strengthen consular assistance for EU citizens abroad.
- Solidarity in Crisis: Ensure protection during emergencies and crises
- Promoting EU Values:
- Education: Integrate EU values and cultural citizenship into education curricula.
- Digital Literacy: Foster awareness of digital rights and responsibilities.
- Solidarity Within and Beyond the EU:
- Intra-EU Solidarity: Support citizens within the EU through coordinated efforts.
- Extra-EU Solidarity: Extend protection and assistance to EU citizens beyond the Union’s borders.
In summary, reinforcing democratic engagement, simplifying processes, and safeguarding citizens’ rights are crucial to improving EU citizenship.
Let’s have a look at the various policies:
- Agricultural Policy:
- The current challenges pastoral and agricultural communities face in arid and semi-arid areas necessitate a robust agricultural policy. We propose the following revisions:
- Enhanced Resilience: Addressing “lean” seasons within years and recurring droughts to ensure food security.
- Sustainable Practices: Promoting environmentally friendly farming techniques, soil conservation, and water management.
- A Healthy and Nutritious Diet: Underpin a Healthy and Nutritious Diet among EU citizens and Member States.
- Inclusive Support: Providing targeted assistance to small-scale farmers and ensuring equitable access to resources.
- The current challenges pastoral and agricultural communities face in arid and semi-arid areas necessitate a robust agricultural policy. We propose the following revisions:
- Technology Policy:
- A revised technology policy should focus on:
- Innovation Ecosystems: Encouraging research, development, and adoption of emerging technologies.
- Digital Sovereignty: Safeguarding EU interests in the digital realm.
- Ethical Considerations: Setting guidelines for responsible technology use, data privacy, and cybersecurity.
- A revised technology policy should focus on:
- Research, Development, and Innovation (RDI):
- Strengthening RDI requires:
- Increased Funding: Allocating resources to cutting-edge research and fostering collaboration.
- Cross-Sectoral Approach: Integrating RDI efforts across health, environment, and technology fields.
- Talent Retention: Attracting and retaining skilled researchers within the EU.
- Strengthening RDI requires:
- Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP):
- The CFSP aims to:
- Preserve Peace: Strengthening international security and promoting cooperation.
- Democracy and Human Rights: Consolidating democracy, the rule of law, and respect for fundamental freedoms.
- Unified Action: Advocating for more robust, credible, and strategic EU engagement on the global stage.
- The CFSP aims to:
- Education Policy:
- Revised education policies should prioritize:
- Lifelong Learning: Equipping citizens with adaptable skills for a changing world.
- Inclusivity: Ensuring equal access to quality education regardless of socio-economic background.
- Digital Literacy: Integrating technology and digital skills into curricula.
- Revised education policies should prioritize:
- Health Policy:
- Strengthening health policies involves:
- Pandemic Preparedness: Enhancing early warning systems and global health cooperation.
- Health Equity: Reducing disparities in access to healthcare services.
- Research and Innovation: Investing in medical research and technology for better health outcomes.
- Strengthening health policies involves:
European development policy plays a crucial role in fostering sustainable development and stability in developing countries, aiming to eradicate extreme poverty. Let’s delve into the provisions and explore ways to strengthen them:
- Policy Coherence for Development (PCD): This principle allows us to minimize contradictions and build synergies between EU policies that may impact our partner countries. To strengthen PCD:
- Enhance coordination: Ensure that policies related to trade, agriculture, environment, and migration align with development objectives emphasising development needs and technology transfer balanced by increased trade combined with good governance, rule of law and strengthened governance and respect for human rights.
- Regular assessments: Conduct periodic assessments to identify areas where coherence can be improved.
- Development Effectiveness:
- Smarter financing: Optimize development aid by focusing on results-oriented investments. Prioritize projects that have a measurable impact on poverty reduction, education, health, and gender equality.
- Capacity building: Strengthen local institutions and empower communities to drive sustainable development.
- European Consensus on Development:
- Review and update: Regularly assess the Consensus to ensure it remains relevant and aligned with global development goals.
- Inclusive partnerships: Engage civil society organizations, the private sector, and local communities in shaping development policies.
- Climate Change Resilience:
- Mainstream climate action: Integrate climate adaptation and mitigation strategies into development projects.
- Support green technologies: Invest in renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and eco-friendly infrastructure.
- Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding:
- Early warning systems: Strengthen mechanisms to detect and prevent conflicts before they escalate.
- Invest in peacebuilding: Support initiatives that promote dialogue, reconciliation, and stability.
- Gender Equality and Social Inclusion:
- Gender-responsive policies: Ensure development programs address gender disparities and promote women’s empowerment.
- Inclusive approaches: Consider marginalized groups, such as persons with disabilities and indigenous communities.
- Private Sector Engagement:
- Responsible business practices: Encourage private companies to invest in sustainable development while respecting human rights and environmental standards.
- Public-private partnerships: Collaborate with businesses to leverage their expertise and resources.
Strengthening EU development policies requires a collective effort involving policymakers, civil society, and citizens. By addressing these aspects, we can enhance the impact of our development assistance and contribute to a more equitable and prosperous world.
Article 42
I am less sure it makes sense to do much about fleshing out each of the three phases of the European Defence rather than leaving things open. In any event, let’s have a look at Article 42 and how it might be done:
- Phase 1: ESDP (Ending in 2027):
- Objective: Strengthen crisis prevention and preparedness.
- Focus Areas:
- Early Warning Systems: Enhance detection and analysis of security risks.
- Conflict Prevention Diplomacy: Engage in preventive diplomacy and mediation.
- Capacity Building: Empower partner countries to address emerging threats.
- Action: Making the European Deployment Capability (EDC) operational.
- Phase 2: European Defence Policy (ab 2028):
- Objective: Implement capability commitments made by the Council ( Helsinki Headline Goals).
- Key Commitment: Achieve a force of 60,000 men under arms by leveraging joint military capabilities.
- Actions:
- Military Rapid Reaction: EU CROC, EI2, Euromarfor, Eurogendfor, Eurocorpse.
- Civilian Crisis Management: Deploy experts for stability and rule of law.
- Phase 3: A Common Defence:
- Objective: Establish a robust collective defense mechanism.
- Options:
- European Army: While an entire European army with 1.4 million personnel is ambitious, consider a more scaled-down version.
- Integrated Forces: Further Development of joint forces for rapid response and territorial defense.
Remember, these phases require strategic planning, cooperation among member states, and a commitment to European security and stability. Let’s approach this with the seriousness it deserves.
Okay – that’s all, folks.
GOCIU assisted by Co-pilot. Kuk-kuk-kuk
Links:
https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-48317-3_15
https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=URISERV:ai0033
http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/articles/1077/the-importance-of-the-lisbon-treaty-in-the-future-governance-of-europe-and-the-necessity-for-further-revision
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-8-2019-0051_EN.html
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/en/sheet/145/the-citizens-of-the-union-and-their-rights
https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/b722ff83-8cba-4211-93b7-e06aff1172ce
https://eur-lex.europa.eu/EN/legal-content/summary/the-treaty-of-lisbon.html
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Parliament’s input into the debate on reform of the European Constitution
Uncategorised Posted on Sun, February 18, 2024 22:33:20The report, prepared by rapporteurs Guy Verhofstadt, Sven Simon, Gabriele Bischoff, Daniel Freund, and Helmut Scholz, aims to reshape the European Union (EU) by enhancing its capacity to act and improving its democratic legitimacy and accountability. Key proposals include:
- European Constitution: The report advocates for a new European Constitution that consolidates existing treaties and clarifies the EU’s fundamental principles.
- Citizens’ Participation: To enhance democratic representation, the report suggests introducing elections of the President of the European Commission by popular vote and creating a European Electoral Authority.
- European Senate: The establishment of a European Senate, representing member states, would strengthen the EU’s legislative process.
- European Public Prosecutor’s Office: The report proposes expanding the powers of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office to combat cross-border crime effectively.
- European Armed Forces: It recommends creating a European Armed Forces to enhance security and defense cooperation.
- Social Rights: The report emphasizes social rights, including a European minimum wage and improved labor standards.
- Climate Action: The EU should lead in climate action, with binding targets and a European Climate Pact.
- Digital Sovereignty: The report calls for digital sovereignty, protecting citizens’ data and promoting European tech innovation.
- EU Budget: The report suggests a more flexible EU budget, allowing for strategic investments.
- EU Enlargement: The report addresses the accession process for new member states.
https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E
https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/printsummary.pdf?id=1764556&l=en&t=E
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-9-2023-0337_EN.html
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