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We believe the creation of a defensive state at the heart of Euroasia should be to the benefit of the citizenry and promote peace and democracy in the world.

 HØJE NORD, FRIHEDS SAL

Danmark, Europe, Uncategorised Posted by christian ilcusPosted on Tue, April 23, 2024 16:14:45

Høje Nord, friheds hjem,

ej for mørket til at true,

men for aloen til at lue og for liv til at gro frem,

Lad det bryde, lad det gære!

Stem ej strømmen, tål dens brag

NORDEFCO (Nordic Defence Cooperation) er ikke en NATO- eller EU-certificeret styrke i traditionel forstand. Det er et forsvarssamarbejde mellem de nordiske lande, herunder Danmark, Finland, Island, Norge og Sverige. Samarbejdet fokuserer på at styrke forsvarsevnen og sikkerhedspolitikken i Norden.

NORDEFCO arbejder tæt sammen med internationale organisationer som FN, NATO og EU for at tilføje værdi til det bredere internationale forsvarssamarbejde1. Med Finlands optagelse i NATO i april 2023 og Sveriges forventede optagelse i 2024, vil NORDEFCO spille en endnu vigtigere rolle i den nordiske region. Dette samarbejde indebærer ikke en formel certificering fra NATO eller EU, men det bidrager til regionens samlede forsvarsevne og er komplementært til NATO’s afskrækkelses- og forsvarsstrategi.

NORDEFCO’s aktiviteter omfatter fælles operationer, træning og øvelser samt udvikling af militære kapaciteter, hvilket styrker både de nordiske landes forsvar og den regionale sikkerhed og stabilitet.

For at udvikle en strategi, der gør NORDEFCO til en NATO- og EU-certificeret flådestyrke med potentiale for opskalering til en naval air carrier gruppe, kan følgende trin overvejes:

  1. Certificeringsprocessen: Start med at definere de specifikke krav fra NATO og EU for certificering af flådestyrker. Dette vil sandsynligvis omfatte interoperabilitetsstandarder, kapabilitetskrav og overensstemmelse med bestemte forsvars- og sikkerhedspolitikker.
  2. Kapacitetsopbygning: NORDEFCO skal udvikle og standardisere flådestyrker, der kan integreres med NATO’s og EU’s eksisterende strukturer. Dette kan indebære investeringer i nye skibe, opgradering af eksisterende fartøjer og udvikling af luftbårne kapaciteter.
  3. Politisk Engagement: Sikre politisk støtte fra medlemslandene og arbejde på at opnå en konsensus om den strategiske retning og finansiering af projektet.
  4. Transatlantiske og Europæiske Dynamikker: Forstå og navigere i de komplekse transatlantiske og europæiske forsvarsdynamikker. Dette indebærer at balancere USA’s interesser med de europæiske landes ønsker om større autonomi inden for forsvar og sikkerhed.
  5. Omkostningsestimering: Udfør en grundig omkostningsanalyse for at estimere budgettet for oprettelsen og vedligeholdelsen af en naval air carrier gruppe. Overvej også mulighederne for fælles finansiering mellem NORDEFCO-landene.
  6. Tysklands Rolle: Tysklands nylige indkøb af F-35 kampfly kan spille en central rolle i den nordisk-ledede flådestyrke, da disse fly kan integreres i en carrier gruppe og styrke den samlede luftkapacitet.
  7. Storbritanniens og Ruslands Reaktion: Strategien skal også tage højde for, hvordan Storbritannien og Rusland kan reagere på en styrket nordisk flådestyrke. Det er vigtigt at sikre, at opskaleringen ikke opfattes som en trussel, men som et bidrag til regional stabilitet.
  8. Langsigtet Vision: Udvikle en langsigtet vision for, hvordan NORDEFCO kan fungere som en integreret del af NATO’s og EU’s maritime forsvar, herunder etablering af en naval air carrier gruppe.
  9. Tysklands F-35 Indkøbsplaner: Tysklands planer om at indkøbe F-35 fly passer godt ind i en nordisk-ledet flådestyrke, da disse fly vil forbedre interoperabiliteten med andre NATO-lande og styrke den samlede luftforsvarskapacitet.

Denne strategi skal udvikles med omhu og i tæt samarbejde med alle NORDEFCO-medlemslande samt NATO og EU for at sikre, at den er realistisk, finansierbar og i overensstemmelse med regionale og internationale sikkerhedsmål.

For at udvikle en strategi, der gør NORDEFCO til en NATO- og EU-certificeret flådestyrke med potentiale for opskalering til en naval air carrier gruppe, kan følgende trin overvejes:

  1. Certificeringsprocessen: Start med at definere de specifikke krav fra NATO og EU for certificering af flådestyrker. Dette vil sandsynligvis omfatte interoperabilitetsstandarder, kapabilitetskrav og overensstemmelse med bestemte forsvars- og sikkerhedspolitikker.
  2. Kapacitetsopbygning: NORDEFCO skal udvikle og standardisere flådestyrker, der kan integreres med NATO’s og EU’s eksisterende strukturer. Dette kan indebære investeringer i nye skibe, opgradering af eksisterende fartøjer og udvikling af luftbårne kapaciteter.
  3. Politisk Engagement: Sikre politisk støtte fra medlemslandene og arbejde på at opnå en konsensus om den strategiske retning og finansiering af projektet.
  4. Transatlantiske og Europæiske Dynamikker: Forstå og navigere i de komplekse transatlantiske og europæiske forsvarsdynamikker. Dette indebærer at balancere USA’s interesser med de europæiske landes ønsker om større autonomi inden for forsvar og sikkerhed.
  5. Omkostningsestimering: Udfør en grundig omkostningsanalyse for at estimere budgettet for oprettelsen og vedligeholdelsen af en naval air carrier gruppe. Overvej også mulighederne for fælles finansiering mellem NORDEFCO-landene.
  6. Tysklands Rolle: Tysklands nylige indkøb af F-35 kampfly kan spille en central rolle i den nordisk-ledede flådestyrke, da disse fly kan integreres i en carrier gruppe og styrke den samlede luftkapacitet.
  7. Storbritanniens og Ruslands Reaktion: Strategien skal også tage højde for, hvordan Storbritannien og Rusland kan reagere på en styrket nordisk flådestyrke. Det er vigtigt at sikre, at opskaleringen ikke opfattes som en trussel, men som et bidrag til regional stabilitet.
  8. Langsigtet Vision: Udvikle en langsigtet vision for, hvordan NORDEFCO kan fungere som en integreret del af NATO’s og EU’s maritime forsvar, herunder etablering af en naval air carrier gruppe.
  9. Tysklands F-35 Indkøbsplaner: Tysklands planer om at indkøbe F-35 fly passer godt ind i en nordisk-ledet flådestyrke, da disse fly vil forbedre interoperabiliteten med andre NATO-lande og styrke den samlede luftforsvarskapacitet.

Denne strategi skal udvikles med omhu og i tæt samarbejde med alle NORDEFCO-medlemslande samt NATO og EU for at sikre, at den er realistisk, finansierbar og i overensstemmelse med regionale og internationale sikkerhedsmål.

NORDEFCO (Nordisk Forsvarsamarbejde) kan samarbejde med andre militære alliancer som EUROMARFOR og NATO’s Standing Naval Forces på flere måder:

  1. Fælles Øvelser og Træning: NORDEFCO kan deltage i fælles øvelser og træning med EUROMARFOR og NATO’s maritime styrker for at forbedre interoperabilitet og samarbejdsprocedurer.
  2. Operativ Koordination: De kan koordinere operationer i regioner, hvor deres interesser overlapper, for at sikre en mere effektiv brug af ressourcer og styrker.
  3. Udvikling af Kapaciteter: NORDEFCO kan arbejde sammen med disse alliancer om at udvikle nye maritime kapaciteter, som kan bidrage til sikkerheden i de relevante søområder.
  4. Intelligence Sharing: De kan dele efterretninger og situationsoverblik for at styrke den samlede bevidsthed om trusler og sikkerhedsmæssige udfordringer.
  5. Forsvarsindustrielt Samarbejde: De kan samarbejde om udvikling og anskaffelse af forsvarsmateriel, hvilket kan føre til bedre integration af våbensystemer og udstyr.
  6. Støtte til Internationale Missioner: NORDEFCO kan bidrage til internationale missioner under ledelse af EUROMARFOR eller NATO, hvilket kan styrke deres evne til at udføre operationer1.
  7. Politisk Dialog: Ved at fremme politisk dialog mellem NORDEFCO og disse alliancer kan de udvikle fælles forståelse og tilgang til regionale sikkerhedsspørgsmål1.
  8. Krisestyring: De kan samarbejde om krisestyring og humanitære operationer, hvilket kan forbedre deres evne til at reagere på nødsituationer.

Gennem disse samarbejdsformer kan NORDEFCO styrke sin rolle i det bredere europæiske og transatlantiske forsvarssamarbejde og bidrage til regional og international sikkerhed

The F-35 Lightning II has three main variants, each designed for specific roles and operating environments. Here are the key differences between the F-35A, F-35B, and F-35C:

F-35A:

F-35B:

F-35C:

  • Catapult-Assisted Takeoff but Arrested Recovery (CATOBAR): Tailored for aircraft carrier operations.
  • Larger Wingspan: Features larger wings with foldable wingtips and increased control surface area for better low-speed maneuverability.
  • Robust Landing Gear: Equipped with sturdier landing gear to withstand the stresses of carrier operations.
  • Reinforced Tailhook: Has a reinforced tailhook for engaging with carrier arrestor cables.
  • Payload and Range: Offers enhanced range and payload capacity due to the larger wing area.

Each variant is tailored to the specific needs of the branch of the military it serves, ensuring that the F-35 can operate effectively in a wide range of scenarios and environments.

Germany’s interest in an independent deterrent to complement NATO’s defense strategy is part of a broader European defense evolution. The acquisition of the F-35B or F-35C by Germany could be argued from a strategic standpoint, considering the advanced capabilities these aircraft offer for carrier-based operations and the flexibility they provide in terms of deployment locations, including maritime regions controlled by Denmark.

The F-35B’s STOVL capabilities allow for deployment in areas with limited infrastructure, while the F-35C’s CATOBAR system is ideal for traditional aircraft carriers. Both variants would enhance Germany’s ability to project power and contribute to NATO’s collective defense, particularly in the maritime domain.

Denmark, having recently abolished its EU defense opt-out and joined the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), is now more integrated into EU defense structures23. In light of this, Denmark may seek reciprocal commitments from Germany to strengthen the community method within the EU, which emphasizes decision-making at the EU level rather than intergovernmental arrangements. This could be seen as a counterbalance to the influence of larger EU states like France and to ensure that smaller member states have a say in shaping EU defense policies.

Denmark’s strategic position in controlling waters that could be critical in the event of a conflict, including areas near the North Pole, adds to its leverage. The country could argue that its geographic location and control over potential strategic maritime zones necessitate a stronger voice in EU defense matters and a more integrated approach to European security.

In return for supporting Germany’s acquisition of F-35 aircraft, Denmark might request a commitment to the community method to ensure that its interests are adequately represented and that EU defense initiatives are more inclusive and democratic. This could involve a more significant role for the EU Commission and the European Parliament in defense matters, rather than decisions being driven solely by the largest member states.

Overall, the case for Germany purchasing F-35B or F-35C aircraft aligns with the need for a robust and flexible European defense capability, while Denmark’s position could influence the balance of power and decision-making within the EU’s defense framework, and by extension.

https://www.nordefco.org

https://www.euromarfor.org

https://nationalinterest.org/blog/reboot/these-navy-carriers-can-launch-special-type-f-35-fighter-183147

https://www.csis.org/analysis/solving-europes-defense-dilemma-overcoming-challenges-european-defense-cooperation

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/1997-05-01/miles-go

The European Commission is no longer technocratic – it takes public opinion seriously

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1057/9780230305670

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2022/733512/IPOL_STU%282022%29733512_EN.pdf

https://institutdelors.eu/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/communitymethod-synthesis-ne-jdi-feb13-1.pdf

https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA331578.pdf

https://science.howstuffworks.com/carrier-group.htm



Pour en finir avec la geopolitique de l’Union europeenne

Uncategorised Posted by christian ilcusPosted on Sun, March 24, 2024 14:46:38

What are the spatial politics of the European Union ?

According to Wesley Scott, the “spatial politics are discussed here in terms of governance, regional policies and the production of geographical knowledge that reinforce the notion of a diverse but interdependent European space and, hence, political community”. He contends planning concepts have become a politicized concept around which regional development initiatives and socio-political qualities are contested in the common interest of forging an interdependent and economic prosperous European region. Thus, the EU integration project may be conceived as an exercise in multi-dimensional socio-spatial reordering from this theoretical perspective, i.e. a case of applied geostrategic theory to practice on european soil.

The European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP) encompass several objectives, established early on as is to work towards a balanced and sustainable development of the territory of the European Union along the following parametres:

  • economic and social cohesion;
  • conservation and management of natural resources and the cultural heritage;
  •  more balanced competitiveness of the European territory

In a more narrow sense, there can be little doubt that the EU’s regional and cohesion policies are having an impact on the geographical and sectoral cleavages in the European Union. In many ways, the border regions of Europe recall the need for comparative studies into how they compare with each other and perhaps even apply them to the quality of the EU’s eastern and southern borders – foro interno, foro externo.

The Eu possesses a range of levers to shape the territorial dynamics of the European Union. This is having a clear economic impact in narrowing the gap between the regions of the Eu member states and between the East-West and North-South cleavage, although action is also informed by economic theory and the impact by the localized context. Cohesion policies are known to impact the level of pro-European attitudes. For instance, Wales and Scotland voted no to enter the EEC in 1972, but no to Brexit in 2017, following decades of EU support and investments in the areas. The level of economic activities throughout the European Union has evened out as a consequence of the stitching together of the European space through regional and cohesion policies. It is vital to engage citizens in dialogue in order to understand how to serve the citizenry best to ensure accountability and good govrenance a just distribution of benefits on the one hand, and on the other hand to bolster strong leadership and to prod a partnership in power between authorities and decision-making levels, so that interventions are followed up and accumulated on to ensure lasting impact – a positive multiplier loop creating a bond between the EU and the Member States. The public administrations of the Eu have been through a series of stress tests recently, which the EU , currently ad administrative state, have sought to recitify.

There are several maps available, that speaks volumes about how the Eu is making a difference in narrowing gaps on central parameters. The mandate is to lead the economic, social and territorial for an overall harmonious development of the European Union.

External aspects

Geography significantly influences political objectives by shaping the context within which nations and political entities operate. Let’s explore how geography impacts politics:

  1. Creation of Natural Boundaries:
  1. Mountains, rivers, oceans, and deserts often serve as dividers between countries and regions. These geographic features significantly influence political relationships and alliances.
  2. For instance, the Himalayas act as a natural boundary between India and China, impacting their strategic interactions.
  3. Resource Distribution:
  1. The availability and distribution of natural resources play a crucial role in shaping political objectives. Resource-rich regions hold global influence.
  2. Countries with abundant oil reserves, fertile land, or access to minerals often have specific political goals related to resource exploitation and trade.
  3. Economic Development:
  1. Coastal areas, due to their proximity to oceans and trade routes, become economic hubs. Ports, shipping lanes, and access to international markets drive economic development.
  2. Political decisions are influenced by the need to protect and enhance economic interests tied to specific geographic locations.
  3. Strategic Locations:
  1. Chokepoints, such as the Strait of Hormuz or the Suez Canal, significantly impact global trade and security. Control over these locations becomes a political objective.
  2. Geopolitically important regions, like the South China Sea, shape national security strategies and foreign policy.
  3. Climate and Environmental Challenges:
  1. Coastal vulnerability, rising sea levels, and extreme weather events influence political priorities. Climate change policies and adaptation strategies are geographically driven.
  2. Nations near the Arctic face new geopolitical dynamics due to melting ice and access to resources.

In summary, geography provides the canvas upon which political actors operate. It determines borders, access to resources, and strategic imperatives. Understanding these spatial dynamics is essential for effective governance and international relations.

Geography plays a pivotal role in international relations, influencing political power, foreign policy, and global interactions. Let’s explore how geography shapes international dynamics:

  1. Geopolitics and International Relations:
  2. Geopolitics is the study of how Earth’s geography impacts political power and international affairs. It focuses on the influence of geographic space, including:
    • Territorial waters: Maritime boundaries and access to oceans.
    • Land territory: Borders, natural features, and territorial claims.
    • Climate: Weather patterns affecting strategic planning.
    • Topography: Terrain, mountains, and valleys.
    • Demography: Population distribution and migration.
    • Natural resources: Access to minerals, energy, and agricultural land.
  3. Stability Amidst Complexity:
  1. International relations evolve amidst a complex interplay of various factors. However, the most stable element is the physical environment—fully described by geographers.
  2. Geographical conditions provide the permanent material foundation for both nationalism (linked to the territory a nation occupies) and power dynamics.
  3. Geopolitical stability arises from understanding the link between permanent geographical conditions and more stable aspects of international relations.
  4. Resource Distribution and Power:
  1. Geography shapes the distribution of natural resources (such as oil, minerals, and fertile land). Nations seek access to these resources for economic and strategic purposes.
  2. Control over key geographic locations (e.g., straits, ports, and energy transit routes) influences a country’s power and ability to project influence globally.
  3. Borders and Boundaries:
  1. Mountains, rivers, and coastlines define political boundaries. These natural features impact territorial claims, sovereignty, and conflict.
  2. Geographical proximity affects diplomatic relations and trade partnerships.
  3. Trade Routes and Connectivity:
  1. Trade routes, influenced by geography, connect nations economically. Ports, shipping lanes, and land corridors facilitate commerce.
  2. The Silk Road, for example, historically linked Europe and Asia, shaping cultural exchange and political alliances.
  3. Strategic Chokepoints:
  1. Geographical bottlenecks (e.g., the Strait of Hormuz, the Malacca Strait, or the Panama Canal, The Bosphorous, Øresund, Ginraltar Strait) impact global trade, energy security, and military movements.
  2. Nations vie for control over these critical passages.
  3. Climate Challenges and Adaptation:
  1. Coastal vulnerability, rising sea levels, and extreme weather events are geopolitical concerns.
  2. Climate change policies intersect with international relations, affecting cooperation, migration, and resource management.

In summary, geography provides the canvas upon which international relations unfold. Understanding spatial dynamics informs diplomacy, security, and cooperation.

Geography profoundly shapes diplomacy, influencing the conduct of international relations and the strategies employed by states and actors. Let’s explore its impact:

  1. Micro-Geographies of Diplomatic Sites:
  1. Diplomacy occurs in specific geographical locations—embassies, foreign ministries, and state dinners. These sites have unique spatial organization and emotional agency.
  2. The seating plan at a state dinner or the layout of diplomatic offices influences interactions. Decisions about where diplomacy takes place are as significant as the actions themselves.
  3. Spatialization of World Politics:
  1. Diplomacy is closely tied to the functionality of the state. Representing a polity externally builds legitimacy and is a key tool of statecraft.
  2. Diplomatic encounters mediate disputes, ignite arguments, and reshape how relations between actors are imagined.
  3. The spatial dynamics of diplomacy extend beyond specific sites to the broader context of world politics.
  4. Changing Terrain of Contemporary Diplomacy:
  1. Technological innovation and globalization have given rise to “new” diplomatic actors and practices.
  2. Scholars from various disciplines engage with the evolving spatial dimensions of diplomacy.
  3. Innovative approaches study alternative actors both “above” and “below” the state, challenging traditional notions of diplomacy.
  4. Geopolitical Awareness and Diplomacy:
  1. Knowing global geography enhances diplomatic decision-making. Understanding who lives where fosters empathy and informed choices.
  2. Geographical knowledge reduces advocacy for military intervention and promotes peaceful solutions.
  3. Economic Diplomacy and Trade Routes:
  1. Economic diplomacy influences the geography of international trade. Countries strategically position themselves to access markets and resources.
  2. Ports, shipping lanes, and land corridors play a crucial role in economic relations.
  3. Diplomacy as a Spatial Practice:
  1. A geographical lens diversifies conceptual framings of diplomacy. It widens the empirical view to include various practices, actors, and objects.
  2. By examining the spatial aspects, we gain insights into the complexities of diplomatic engagement.

In summary, geography shapes diplomatic practice, statecraft, and global interactions. Understanding spatial dynamics enriches our approach to international relations

In terms of the external spatial aspects of the EU integration project, I discern four geopolitical vectors weighing heavily on the security of the European Union,a composite state-like actor: (1) Where could an attack on Europe happen and where to defend Europe (2) The outfall from the war in Ukraine, including in the Black Sea  (3) Conflicts between the candidate countries (4) protection of  the lines of communication.

Similar to the internal aspects, the geopolitical aspects of the Eu integration is a contested area, since it involves notions of the EU’s claim to statehood, assessment of where political focus should be hence the use of funding and areas of effort and the growth areas and institutional interests of the European Union.

  1. Where to Expect Attack and Where to Defend the European Union:

Colin Gray and Geoffrey Sloan’s book, “Geopolitics, Geography, and Strategy”, provides valuable insights into this aspect. They emphasize that geopolitical conditions significantly influence strategic behavior. Even when cooperation among different military powers is expected, action must be planned and executed in specific physical environments.

Consider the geographical context of the EU’s borders, including potential flashpoints, critical chokepoints, and vulnerable areas. Analyze historical patterns of conflict and assess the strategic significance of different regions. For instance, the Baltic states and the Eastern Mediterranean are areas of heightened attention due to their proximity to potential threats.

Obviously, this is the most consequential of the geopolitical aspects of the European Union. I expect the EU and NATO to sort out and do more than merely comparing notes.

2.The Outfall from the Ukraine War, Including in the Black Sea:

The invasion of Ukraine by Russia

Ilie Bădescu’s encyclopedia on the Black Sea provides valuable information. The Black Sea is an inland sea between southeastern Europe and the Anatolian peninsula. It connects to the Atlantic Ocean via the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas. The Bosporus and Dardanelles straits link it to other seas.

Analyze the geopolitical implications of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. The Black Sea region has witnessed tensions, territorial disputes, and military maneuvers. Consider the role of Russia, NATO, and regional powers in shaping security dynamics. The Crimean Peninsula, annexed by Russia, remains a focal point.

3.Unresolved Conflicts Between Candidate Countries:

Geopolitical tensions persist in the Western Balkans, where several candidate countries aspire to EU membership. Colin Gray’s concept of “Inescapable Geography” is relevant here. Geography shapes political objectives and strategy.

Examine unresolved territorial disputes, historical grievances, and ethnic complexities. The EU’s enlargement process must navigate these challenges. The Western Balkans’ stability directly impacts European security. The six countries integration into the EU will tilt and strengthen the EU’s interests in Africa and the Middle East. If they are to be ready by 2030 all of them, an unlikely prospect, the geopolitical aspects of enlargement must be diffused. It follows, Macedonia and Montenegro must be part of the next enlargement round. The first to stabilise relations between Albania and Bulgaria and Greece, the second to box in the Serbians. Meanwhile, it is important to educate the politicians in the area, including Bosnia , to strengthen governance and the public administrations considerably in the WB6, and Romania and Bulgaria, and to integrate cultural diplomacy into mediation efforts in Kosovo. There are the missing persons. and all the other article six-themes which the EEAS in principle could make an inventory of project portfolio on as a mental exercise and in order to unblock and integrate with other dossiers to keep momentum towards comprehensive normalisation. What a great idea – fucking Stalin !

4.Protection of Lines of Communication:

The EU’s economic prosperity relies on secure maritime and land-based communication routes. Colin Gray’s work emphasizes the importance of geography in strategy.

Focus on critical sea lanes, such as the Mediterranean, the Baltic, and North Sea. Assess vulnerabilities, piracy threats, and energy transit routes. Consider the EU’s role in ensuring safe navigation and protecting vital infrastructure. This implies moving from coordinated maritime presence in areas of interest over a divsion of labor between EU and MS to a genuinely pugnacious expeditionary euromarfor.

5.Geopolitics and Its Meaning:

Geopolitics encompasses the study of how geography influences politics, strategy, and international relations. It considers spatial factors, resources, and power dynamics. However, the concept can be both informative and misused.

While geopolitics informs strategic decisions, it can also lead to power struggles, zero-sum thinking, and conflict. Responsible use of geopolitics involves balancing national interests with cooperation, diplomacy, and multilateralism.

Ultimately, the EU’s security lies in a nuanced approach that leverages geography while promoting stability, dialogue, and collective well-being.

Remember that geopolitical analysis evolves, and context matters. As you flesh out your argument, consider historical precedents, contemporary challenges, and the EU’s vision for a secure and integrated Europe.

Finally, the nature of contemporary strategy processes and the free float of information on the political market place constitute a challenge for idle bureaucrats. Digital diplomacy is a practice, a process and a disruption that tend to explode borders in a limitless and frontier-free environment contradicting notions of political order and the concepts employed by self-serving scoundrels to sustain themselves in office or to protect the polity’s genuinely common interests. And that is all, I have to say about the functioning of our institutions and why not all is about geopolitics.

Internal Spatial Aspects

https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/cohesion-report_en

https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/cohesion-report_en

https://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/information-sources/maps_en

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/James-Scott-2/publication/248990843_A_Networked_Space_of_Meaning_Spatial_Politics_as_Geostrategies_of_European_Integration/links/5811da3f08aec29d99f89232/A-Networked-Space-of-Meaning-Spatial-Politics-as-Geostrategies-of-European-Integration.pdf

https://ec.europa.eu/futurium/en/system/files/ged/durand_decoville_2019_a_multidimensional_measurement_of_the_integration_between_european_border_regions.pdf

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-642-60180-4

https://territorialagenda.eu/wp-content/uploads/ESDP.pdf

https://cor.europa.eu/en/engage/studies/Documents/Spatial-planning-new-urban-agenda.pdf

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09654313.2019.1709416

https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/20023/1/The_Spatial_Distribution_of_Economic_Activities_in_the_European_Union.pdf

https://www.oecd.org/italy/engaging-citizens-in-cohesion-policy-486e5a88-en.htm

The 2023 DG Regio Call on Communicating Cohesion Policy is out!

External Aspects

https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199874002/obo-9780199874002-0220.xml

https://www.spatialpost.com/how-does-geography-affect-politics

https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0171497

https://www.jstor.org/stable/2008950

https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Black_Sea

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9780203489482/geopolitics-geography-strategic-history-geoffrey-sloan-colin-gray

https://www.encyclopedia.com/places/oceans-continents-and-polar-regions/oceans-and-continents/black-sea

https://www.cambridgescholars.com/product/978-1-5275-5703-1

https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2021)689371

https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_49127.htm

https://books.google.dk/books/about/National_Identity_and_Geopolitical_Visio.html?id=zTa37YkeYwUC&redir_esc=y

https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781442223516/Geopolitics-The-Geography-of-International-Relations-Third-Edition

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-642-55227-4

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https://helda.helsinki.fi/server/api/core/bitstreams/07610417-58df-4638-8067-cdfc9d795caa/content



Xinjiang-China: An Action Plan

BURMA Posted by christian ilcusPosted on Mon, September 18, 2023 08:11:08

For there to be movement on the ratification of the CAI between China and the EU, it is generally understood progress are necessary in how Beijing approaches the Xinjiang province. While I am not aware of the details of the conflicts and needs of each parties, I deduce from reading James A. Milward’s book Eurasian Crossroads that Chinese policy has relapsed into a sort of colonial enterprise, which is unbalanced and not putting the fish on the table. The difficulty lies in how to articulate those conflicts and needs in order to provide a basis for mutual understanding towards a negotiation and win-win-solutions. Before getting down to business it is necessary to get a dialogue started, which is by the way primarily a Chinese responsibility.

As a European, I stand ready to bond with Chinese representaives in a strategy process where top management act as catalysators for the development of new strategies, and middle managers identify, implement and evaluate the possibilities for change.

This process architecture could involve giving impetus to the following elements:

  • Sacking of Chen Quangou, CCP’s Party Secretary in Xinjiang
  • UN-China Action Plan on Human Rights and protection of minorities in Xinjiang
  • Action Plan on Afghanistan
  • Abolishment of reeducation camps
  • ILO-China Action Plan
  • Labor Commission under Tuniyaz’ remit
  • Review of Anti-poverty Policies ( led by Ilham Tothi)
  • Comprehensive Investment & Economic Development Plan in Xinjiang ( in cooperation with xyz & Ilham Tothi)
  • Review of arrangements on revenue sharing between Urumqi & Beijing.
  • Curtailment of Han migration into Xinjiang
  • Repatriation of Xinjiang population transferred into China
  • Joint Xinjiang-Beijing Study on the development of Xinjiang’s Local Autonomy
  • Joint Commission between Xinjiang Regional Autonomy Government and the Ministry of State Security on Anti-terrorism: Institution Building, Legislative Framework and Policies
  • EU-China Study into Xinjiang emigrants residing in the EU.
  • The building of an EU-Central Asia-China Community Center in Urumqi with the working title Shuzi.