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Milarepa was a Tibetan master who lived in the 11^th century. He is known for his songs and poems that express his spiritual insights and experiences. He transformed from a criminal to a saint and is famous for writing spiritual poems and songs about his insights and experiences. Some of the thoughts on Milarepa are

The importance of meditation: Milarepa emphasized the practice as the way to realize the true nature of the mind and attain liberation from suffering. He said: Life is short, and the time of death is uncertain, so apply yourself to meditation. Avoid doing evil, and acquire merit, to the best of your ability. Even at the cost of life itself. In short: Act so that you have no cause to be ashamed of yourselves and hold fast to this rule”.

The futility of worldly pursuits: Milarepa renounced all worldly attachments and pleasures and lived a simple and austere life in caves and mountains. He said: All worldly pursuits have but one inevitable end, which is sorrow; acquisitions end in dispersion, buildings in destruction, meetings in separation, births in death. Knowing this, from the very first, one should renounce acquisitions and storing-up, construction, and discussion, and be faithful to the commands of an eminent Guru, set about realizing the Truth. That alone is the best of religious observances.

The power of the mind: Milarepa taught that the mind is the source of happiness and misery and that mastering the mind can overcome all obstacles and achieve enlightenment. He said: “When you run after your thoughts, you are like a dog chasing a stick: every time a stick is thrown, you run after it. Instead, be like a lion who, rather than chasing after the stick, turns to face the thrower. One only throws a stick at a lion once.”

The value of compassion Milarepa stressed that compassion is the essence of Buddhism and that without compassion, one cannot attain Buddhahood. He said:” All meditation must begin with arousing deep compassion. Whatever one does must emerge from an attitude of love and benefitting others”

The joy of realization Milarepa expressed his happiness and gratitude for realizing the ultimate truth of reality, which he described as non-dual, luminous, blissful, and empty. He said: “In the gap between thoughts nonconceptual wisdom shines continuously”

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Anmeldelse af Cand.scient.pol. Christian ILCUS ( 902038)
Parag Khanna The Future is Asian. Global Order in the Twenty-First Century, 2019.
“Fem milliarder mennesker, 2/3 af verdens mega-byer, 1/3 af verdensøkonomien, 2/3 af den globale økonomiske vækst, seks ud afti af verdens største banker, tredieve af Fortune100, otte af de ti største hære, fem atommagter, massiv teknologisk innovation, de nyeste knopper af top-rangerede universiteter. ”
Sådan præsenterer dr. Parag Khanna, en global strateg, sin bog om Asien, der er nutiden og hvem helt sikkert fremtiden tilhører. Derfor er der grund til at spidse øre, når den i Singapore bosiddende inder fatter penen. Bogen er inddelt i ni kapitler: (1) Verdenshistorien: Et Asiatisk synspunkt (2) Læren af Asiens historie – for Asien og Verden (3) The Return of Stor-Asien (4) Asianomics (5) Asiatere i America og Amerikanernere i Asien (6) Hvorfor Europa elsker Asien men ikke endnu asiaterne (7) Afroeuroasiens tilbagevenden (8) Det Nye Stillehavs-partnerskab (9) Asiens Teknokratiske fremtid (10) Asien Går Global: Fusion af Civilisationer (11) Asiens Globale Fremtid.
En rød tråd igennem bogen er, at Asiaterne kræver og aftvinger respekt. Mens Vesten udkæmpet Den kolde Krig, legede Asiaterne catch-up. I dag har asiaterne den største andel i den globale økonomiske vækst under omstændigheder med geopolitisk stabilitet, hurtigt ekspanderende økonomisk vækst og øgede national stolthed. Asiaterne opfatter sig på ny som verdens centrum. Asiaterne producerer og eksporterer såvel som importerer og forbruger flere varer end nogen anden region, og asiater handler og investerer mere med hinanden, end de gør med Europa og Nordeuropa. Asien har flere af verdens største økonomier, det meste af verdens valutareserver, mange af de største banker, industri- og teknologifirmaer og de fleste af verdens største hære. Det har ti gange flere mennnesker end Europa og tolv gange så mange mennesker som Nordamerika. Derfor gælder det om at kunne se verden fra asiaternes synspunkt, understreger Khanna. Asien er ikke et kontinent, men strengt taget en megaregion, der strækker sig fra Japan-havet til Rødehavet. Rusland, Kina, Australien, Indien og Kazakhstan udgør nogle af verdens største lande, mens de folkerigeste lande er asiatiske: Kina, Indien, Indonesien, Pakistan, Bangledesh, Japan, Phillipinerne og Vietnam. Asien er førstog fremmest en geografisk beskrivelse forskellig fra Kina og Fjernasien, der vedrører Stillehavet. Diplomatisk, økonomisk og kulturelt var Anatolien og Kina en koherænt helhed fra det 15. århunderede. Khanna tilslutter sig Buzans opfattelse, at menneskelig historie var opdelt regionale systemer.
Politisk er Europa den mest integrerede region, erkender forfatteren, og europæerne har også opfattet Asien som et stort og givende økonomisk markeder med stigende regional bevidsthed.
Khanna skriver ikke noget om det kinesiske kommunistpartis inflydelsesstrategier i Vesten, men forholder sig kritisk til Kina, idet han siger, at Asien som helhed skal udvikle god regeringsførsel, retsstat og respekt for menneskerettigheder. Demokratisk konsolidering og statseffektivitet er udbredt i Asien. Han mener, at et stærkt teknokrati er fremtiden for Asien, inclusive for Indien, Pakistan og Bangledesh, og forudser at teknokratiet vil blive styrket i Europa som følge af Asiens opstigen.

Below follows an Entwurf for a peace treaty between North and South Korea in terms of a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between North and South Korea. The basic gist marks a departure from the approach of the six-party-talks, which would tend to subsume a number of lesser policy areas under overall armaments concerns. I believe this is necessary in order to break the current unstable deadlock on the Korean peninsula.

Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between North
Korea and South Korea

1. Preamble

The
Governments of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and of South Korea
hereby declare an end to belligerency between the two states, and decides to
establish full diplo-matic relations, calling upon the international community
to follow their example, in support of the development of their mutual
relationship, in peace and prosperity, and in a spirit of reconcialition and trust towards ultimate unification of the two
Koreas.

2. The
Demilitarized Zone ( DMZ)

The
Demilitarized Zone between the two Koreas forms the departure point for the
border between the two Koreas, observed and as codified following war in Asia
between 1940-1945 and 1950-53 on the Korean peninsula.

A joint
Inter-Korean Commission seconded by international experts shall help demarcate
the border and ensure freer travel between the two Koreas at a lower level of armament,
subject to resolution of outstanding issues.

The size
of the Demilitarized Zone is to be curtailed, and areas falling outside the new
border area, will be redeveloped.

3. Confidence
and Security Building Measures

A Hot
Line is to be established between the Heads of Governments of North Korea and
of South Korea.

A Truth and Reconciliation Commission will be
established between the two Koreas, to be supplemented by experts and
historians from neighbouring countries, to sit in session in Pyongyang.

The current family reunion programme will be extended
by people-to-peoples programmes and scholarships made available by the South
Korean government. This programme will also comprise A Network of North-South Friendship Cities.

The two industrial plants between North Korea and
South Korea will be extended to three, and international investors will be
welcomed.

China and North Korea will agree to the development of
two special economic zones (SEZ).

Following an investment study by the Asian Development
Bank (ADB), North Korea establishes an investment and export agency.

The World Bank agrees to supplement the study by the ADB,
mobilizing all UN agencies and organs in furtherance of declared public policy
goals of the North Korean government.

Both North Korea and South Korea shall make full use
of the UN-registrar of Arms for their arms exports.

A secretariat will be established at the Instiute for
Peace and Unification under the 4 July 1972 Communiqué in furtherance of the
objectives of this treaty in the format of TrackII-diplomacy.

A Human Rights Commission will be established in North Korea, and the prison service be modernised.

4. Political
Dialogue

Annual
Summits are envisaged between the Leader of North Korea and the President of
South Korea.

Political
Dialogue is established between Heads of Government, Ministers of Foreign
Affairs, Ministers of Finance & Economy, Ministers of Defence, Ministers of
Interior, Ministers of Korean Affairs, Ministers of Health, Ministers of
Education & Science, Ministers of Culture & Ministers of Transport &
Energy in order to elaborate a joint inter-korean work program-me, to be
finalized by July 2017.

The
ministerials are prepared by working parties at the level of civil servants.

5. Areas
of Cooperation

Normalisation
of interactions and links are envisaged in the following areas: security &
de-fence , economic dialogue, trade, agriculture, transport & energy, IT,
research & develop-ment, education, post, telecommunication, water, social,
health, banking, culture, environ-ment & tourism,

6. International
Cooperation

The parties welcome North Korea’s integration into all
Asian cooperation schemes and dialogues
of relevance for the development of its international diplomacy, notably the
North-East Asian Cooperation (NEAC), the ASEAN+3, the Asian Regional Forum
(ARF), the Asian Development Bank (ADB) as well as the Asian Infrastructure and
Investment Bank. The Korean Energy Development Organisation ( KEDO) will be re-organised
to address joint infrastructure projects, deemed critical by both parties.

North Korea will
join the Sub-regional Office of East and North East Asia ( ESCAP-ENEA) of the
United Nations at the initialing of this agreement.

North Korea will initially participate in the South
Korean mission to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Asian-Pacific
Economic Cooperation (APEC), as well as to the Asia-Europe Meeting ( ASEM), and following three years from the initialing of
this Treaty decide on its status in these three organisations.

Pyongyang
shall host the secretariat of the North East Asia Peace and Cooperation
Initiative (NAPCI), which shall act as a think-tank for the parties’ foreign
ministers in furtherance of the objectives of this agreement.

7. Arbitration

The
parties agree to establish a Commission of arbitration to resolve disputes,
involving the witnesses to this agreement.

This
treaty is to be deposited in a Korean and an English version in the foreign
offices of the respective parties, following submittal to the UN Office of
Treaties.

Done,
Incheon April 2016

Signed:

Kim Yang-gon

Kim
Kwan-jin

Co-Signed:
FM of Japan, China, the US & Russia.

Annex:

–
Maps of
the Two Koreas with DMZ and currently observed border lines.

–
Terms
of References: Truth and Reconciliation Commission, ADB-Study & WB-study.

–
Maps of
Industrial Parks and SEZ.

–
List of
Content of Joint Inter-Ministerial Work Programme(s)

–
Letter
from Prime Minister Abe to President Kim Young-un.

–
UNSCR
concerning this Treaty

As the attention of the United States moves towards Asia , the outside world is taking an increased interest in China and its access to mineral ressources. In this, the inter-national community is supported by Burma’s need to break out if its isolation and the regime’s fear of encroachment on its sovereignty by China , which is perceived as two-timing the Burmese through use of tribal proxies as conditioned by the tribal militias, some of which are of southern Chinese stock. Few any longer doubt the sincerety of the Burmese government’s, yet the military junta is not quite convinced the international community understands the value it attaches to be in full control of its territory. This notably applies to areas where economic interests are at stake. India eyes in that a possibility for a rapprochement with the United States and alignment in its struggle against insurgencies, of which there are not few in Asia.

And so, Burma’s opening is also an occasion to review
the EU-Asean-relationship, one of the longest-standing of EU’s inter-regional
relationships. More often than not, conceived within a broader regional and
post-colonial context, the relationship has been charac-terised by a mix of
political and economic interests. Today, theese interests may have reversed. EU must take a more political approach. At
stake is as much EU’s relationship with India
and China, as the future of
institutionalised cooperation in Asia. If we
get Burma right, perhaps Asia will be a less centrifugal place, and by extension
or example , the world a more peaceful place tomorrow.

The elements are well-known, now that sanctions
are being lifted by EU Foreign Ministers:

1. Border Security 2. Disarmament of Tribal
Militia 3. National Reconciliation , Dialogue and Democratic elections 4.
Irrawady Delta Development Plan 5. In-put from Delhi (Energy, Higher Education) 6. Follow-up
ADB & Japan ( Mineral law & Anti-corruption) 7. EU-Asean’s rolle (
Trade, Politics & Economy).

EU’s approach , however, flows from the EU
Presidency’s strategic priorities ( EU’s strategic partnership with India ) and a strengthened
multilateralism, whilst the logic of the US tend to subsume EU under the formula: EU-Asean-Asem-Pacific
Asia-Asia-Pacific ( Bergsten). And so, the EU-ASEAN Bali Communiqué must be
fully exploited.And a sectoral terms of engagement is now invoked by EU
Foreign ministers in their 23.1.2012-conclusions.

This might be conceived in terms of ‘inkspots’: A. Court system>< Policy Equipment (UK?). B. DDR>< Border
Management-programme ( Review needed). C.
Irrawady Delta Investment Plan><ADB Programmes. D. Investment Law-cum Export and Investment Agency
><Infrastructure Plan ( >High-Road Yangoon-Pyitwa-Mandalay). E. Hydro-diplomacy: If Burma
and China enters the Mekong River Commission, EU COM could underpin Forestry policies in
terms of legislation & institution-building.

If the multilateral approach invoked by
EU Foreign Ministers is followed, this would also entail that EU COM, ECJ and ECB all engages Asean at some point. This still leave questions to be asked: Why do Thailand
need a buffer-zone in Burma in the first place ? Will the disarmament of the Shan militia follow that of the
Keren’s and what happen to the fighters
? Why do Thailand need a bufferzone in the first place ? What is the plateau to ensure continuity in democratic reform let
alone constitutional reform enshrining checks-and-balances and the highest
standards of minority protection in Asia
? Is there a case for a EU-Asean
Association Agreement ? Further legislative
approximation ? Relationship between EU COM and the Asean secretariat ? Is the
role of the €uro in intra-industry trade, in reserves and currency baskets in
ASEAN satisfactory ? Does EU-Asean have a role to play in
SEAFMDWZ ?

When these questions have been answered, EU has a political approach to South-East Asia, adapted to the political realities on the ground and its budding strategic partnership with India.